30 November 2012, 06:00 PM IST
Chief minister Akhilesh Yadav is in a bind.
On September 30, 2012, Ambika Chaudhary, the SP minister, supported other speakers and me on the demand of releasing boys in whose cases a frame-up by the UP STF or the Uttar Pradesh Police looked likely.
Consequently, the Akhilesh Yadav led government wrote to the district magistrates of different UP districts asking why cases against certain boys from among the 33 detained in terror cases, hailing from their respective districts, should not be withdrawn.
This was a routine enquiry. But instead of asking authentic questions, the Delhi-based electronic media—particularly a certain English news channel that also runs a weekly magazine—went to town with the news story of the SP UP government freeing terrorists! This is absurd, as the UP CM had only asked the district magistrates for an opinion—also, if a lawfully constituted commission has placed some findings on record, a state government carries the right under the Indian Constitution to act as per the commission's report. The media could have waited for the Nimesh Commission report or they could have used their sources in the UP government to get a sense of the findings of the Commission. The argument that it should be left to the courts decide who is a terrorist does not hold in these cases as court cases take a long time to get resolved either ways—and since the cases are between the government and the accused, the former can step in any time to withdraw charges made earlier.
The best part is that even though Akhilesh Yadav sounds sincere, the UP government seems hesitant—remember Akhilesh's uncles—and several old faces of the SP in his ministry—have a dubious track record. If the entire UP cabinet was interested in acting fast and furthering the political agenda of the SP, the cases could have been withdrawn by firm administrative action combined with political build-up, aimed not at letting the guilty off but securing, release of the innocent—after all, who wants to hang a guiltless man? Victims of the 2007 serial blasts—in whose name the BJP and even the BSP—a party which constituted the Nimesh Commission—in the first place—are playing narrow political games and making exaggerated noises—also feel that only the guilty should be punished. Getting bogged down in procedures might prove to be counter-productive for the government as the District Magistrates will pass on the reports to the STF—and why would the STF say that it acted wrongly in the past?
The current SP government is caught in a bind—none of the promises made by its 2012 poll manifesto have been fulfilled. Youths are not getting Rs. 2000 as unemployment allowance; no intended beneficiary has so far obtained the promised laptops. Schemes like Kanyadhan sound good on paper but their implementation and monitoring is poor. On the other hand—beginning from March 6, 2012—the day the UP electorate handed over a historic win to the SP—cases of atrocities against Dalits began taking place one after the other. The trend continued even after March 15, 2012, when Akhilesh Yadav was sworn in as UP's new CM. Senior Dalit leaders and elected representatives of the weaker sections—some of them Gram Pradhans—were killed; houses were torched; women and children injured and murdered in a series of violent incidents—78 according to a conservative estimate—that continued till at least August 2012 in the entire length and breadth—from Agra to Ghazipur via Sitapur and Lucknow—of Uttar Pradesh.
Given the compulsions of the central government and `Mulayam Singh's support' issues, even a detailed report of atrocities against Dalits has not been prepared; as an opportunist party, the BSP of course is sitting content after making some minor noises as Mayawati knows that the more Dalits and weaker sections are beaten up, the more they will gravitate towards her party.
Also, a perverse political logic which seems to run in UP's political class makes it mandatory that during the SP rule `Dalit to laat khaayenge hee'. By contrast, it is expected that Yadavs and goons affiliated to the SP will have a free run.
Anti-Muslim violence in Ghaziabad
But no one expected the SP to strike at the very Muslim hand that made smooth its journey to power in UP—the Akhilesh Yadav government has yet to complete a full year—but more than 5 major cases of atrocities against Muslims have already occurred; the incidents in Mathura, Barielly, Ghaziabad, Pratapgarh, and Faizabad—in particular—have conspiracy—written all over their scripts.
These are no riots—in Ghaziabad, torn Koran pages were thrown from a passing Kashi-Vishwanath train. The pages had a mobile number—whoever dialled that number heard abusive, anti-Muslim religious slurs coming from the other end. Local Muslims gave the pages to the local Masuri thana—there was a gherao after which the Police fired killing 6 muslims. Two succumbed to their injuries later, putting the toll to 8 dead. Yet, the police version spoke of a heavily outnumbered police forced to fire to save itself—has anyone heard of a small police force firing successfully to break a massed cordon without a single fatality on its side? If, as the SP government would like the nation to believe, the police fired in self-defence, then at least one or two police personals would have died—no?
But police casualties in the Ghaziabad incident are zero—it is a clear case of state violence against its own people, a monstrous act if ever there was one, of a government killing its own supporters. Maybe the CM does not have a clue of what really happened at Ghaziabad—but then it is his job to get to the bottom of the truth.
The Ghaziabad fracas makes it abundantly clear that communal forces have finally infiltrated the SP government and the party itself.
The matter does not end here—after the firing, Avdhesh Kumar Singh (mobile number—9911771745), kotwali in-charge, Masuri thana Police returned the torn Koran pages to Abdul Qadir Muazzam of Rafiqabad Colony Masjid. Ranvijay (mobile number—9650572455) is the CO of the area.
But this time the Koran pages were not the original ones submitted by Muslims to the police but Xerox copies—surprisingly and inexplicably, they carried a mobile number different from the previous one found on the pages of original torn Koran pages!
Xerox copies of torn Koran pages returned by the Ghaziabad Police to Muslims—notice the number—who does it belong to?
Allegedly, the new number belongs to Rizwan, an Uttar Pradesh Police informer! He promptly switched his phone off and vanished from the scene!
Isn't this bizarre? Wouldn't it be proper for the UP government to order an enquiry into the affair?
Pratapgarh violence
On June 23, 2012, following the gang rape and murder of a minor girl, violence erupted in Asthan village of Pratapgarh district. 46 Muslim houses were torched. Several villagers had to flee for their lives. Locals say that left to them, the issue could have been sorted out—but the interference of outsiders—who seemed to have planned the operation to perfection—spoiled the whole picture.
Despite arrests of some alleged culprits, victims are afraid to return to their houses. Most of their men-folk work in the spinning mills of Bhiwandi, Maharashtra. Fear looms large and the compensation of Rs. 50,000 appears to be a case of too little too late.
The burning of huts phenomenon was seen with particular savagery in the anti-Muslim violence at Kosi Kalan, Mathura also.
The affected Pratapgarh area comes under the Kunda Vidhan Sabha of Raja Bhaiyya. Most of the attackers were his men. But they have not been arrested. Instead, Praveen Togadia was allowed to visit Pratapgarh. He gave an anti-Muslim speech, after which the remaining 10 Muslim houses were also torched! In the evening, Togadia was the guest of honour in a dinner party thrown by Raja Bhaiyya's father!
Though not formally part of the SP, Raja Bhaiyya is a minister in Akhilesh Yadav's cabinet. He was mostly in jail during Mayawati's tenure—once in power, Akhilesh Yadav gave him the jail portfolio!
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