India must not take Nepal for granted

Written By Unknown on Jumat, 28 Desember 2012 | 21.16

Rudroneel Ghosh
28 December 2012, 04:13 PM IST

Nepal President Ram Baran Yadav's ongoing visit to India comes at a crucial time. For months now Nepali politics has been stuck in a painful impasse. Having missed several deadlines, the country's Constituent Assembly which was tasked with drafting a new permanent Constitution of Nepal has been scrapped. This in turn has pushed Nepal into a constitutional limbo, leaving no other option for the country's political parties but to seek a fresh mandate from the people. However, the major political formations in Kathmandu are yet to reach a consensus on the modalities of the next election, further aggravating the policy paralysis that has progressively stifled Nepal's economy.

Almost all political stakeholders in Nepal agree that election is the way forward. Most of them are also in favour of a national unity government till polls are held in April-May next year. However, the current deadlock revolves around the nature of the prospective unity government. While incumbent Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) wants his government to be converted into a consensus regime before handing over its leadership to the opposition Nepali Congress (NC), he is opposed by his own party chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, aka Prachanda. The latter has been urging greater flexibility on the part of the PM, insisting that Bhattarai hand over leadership of the unity government to the NC if it agrees to a package deal that includes, among others, protocols for appointments to constitutional bodies.

The NC, on its part, is not buying any of this. Having been out of power for the last four years, it feels it has been short-changed in the ongoing democratic process. It remains suspicious that should it join a Bhattarai-led unity government, the incumbent PM will renege on his word to hand over power. Nor is the NC fully comfortable with Prachanda's sudden desire to play the role of an elderly statesman. Meanwhile, the Madhesi parties are concerned about ethnic rights and want a redefinition of Nepali citizenship along with certain guarantees on federalism.

Add to this the factionalism and cross-cutting interests within each of the political formations and it is easy to see why Nepali politics today is a classic case of multiple oarsmen rowing the boat in different directions. Perhaps the only person who realises the cost of this impasse is President Yadav. He understands the price that Nepal has to pay if it doesn't promulgate a Constitution soon. The instability and chaos in Pakistan is a stark reminder of what awaits Nepal if its political parties are unable to hammer out the foundational charter of the new Republic. It would also mean that the peace process initiated in the wake of the decade-long civil war would remain incomplete. This is precisely why President Yadav has been using his office to try and forge consensus among Nepal's political stakeholders - efforts that New Delhi would do well to support wholeheartedly.

Having said that, Indian foreign policy towards Nepal needs to guard against complacency. In New Delhi there is an innate tendency to take Kathmandu for granted and only pay attention when presented with evidence of growing Chinese influence in the Himalayan Republic. This sort of callous big-brotherly attitude on the part of the Indian leadership needs to be discarded forthwith. It must be made clear that India-Nepal relations will proceed on an even keel. Nor should New Delhi be overly perturbed by Beijing's interests. India and Nepal share strong historical, cultural and religious bonds, making them natural allies. In fact, being a genuine all-weather friend to Nepal is what India should focus on. That's the message that President Yadav should be taking back home.


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