08 December 2012, 07:24 PM IST
Atrocities against dalits, hooliganism, proposed release of terror suspects and the Faizabad violence:
Joint posters of Narendra Modi and Lallu Singh, the ex-BJP MLA—the slogan: UP ab Gujarat banega, Fauzabad shuruaat karega is partially visible just above the observable lines. Pic courtesy, Amaresh Misra
The Bhadarsa Violence
Anti-Muslim violence reached its peak in Bhadarsa, a small town located 20 km from Faizabad city. In fact, both in Faizabad city and Bhadarsa town—Yadav middle-level police officers—Bhullan Yadav, the kotwal of the Faizabad Chowk thana, and Chandrabhan Yadav, the SO of the Police thana at Bhadarsa—were found helping lumpens of their respective areas. Ramchandra Yadav, the BJP MLA from Rudauli, took an active part in Bhadarsa violence as well.
Then, after relative calm on 25th October, violence broke out again on 26th October this time even without false provocation. Crowds of lumpens helped by the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) in several instances attacked Muslim mohallas in Faizabad city.
Shouting `jai shree ram' and `mandir vaheen banayenge' a large crowd—in which Babulal Yadav—the SP backed Gram Pradhan of Kail village seems to be involved majorly—attacked Muslim areas of Bhadarsa. Instead of quelling the violence, Chandrabhan Yadav, the local SO, arrested Muslim kotedars and implicated Muhammad Ahmed, the Chairman of the Bhadarsa town area, in the murder of one BK Gupta. Rambose Soni, the ex-BSP Chairman of Bhadarsa town, played a major communal role. Soni was earlier with the RSS. He joined the BSP in order to win elections. Frustrated constantly by Bhadarsa's communal amity, he was implanting the seeds of hatred between two communities for the last two years. Lallu Singh, the ex-BJP MLA of Faizabad city, helped Soni—the latter was also, in touch with Pawan Pandey, the SP MLA of Faizabad, and another Pawan Pandey—a Mafia Don and a key accused in the 1992 Babari Masjid demolition case—now a member/leader of the BSP. Again, Ramchandra Yadav incited crowds to attack Muslims in Bhadarsa.
Burnt mobile repair shop owned by a Muslim family in Bhadarsa, Faizabad in the 26th October 2012 violence, courtesy Amaresh Misra
Burnt belongings of a Muslim family in Bhadarsa, Faizabad—after the fascistic `clean-up'--in the 26th October 2012 violence, courtesy Amaresh Misra
Burnt belongings of a Muslim family in Bhadarsa, Faizabad—after the fascistic `clean-up'--in the 26th October 2012 violence, courtesy Amaresh Misra
Burnt belongings of a Muslim family in Bhadarsa, Faizabad—after the fascistic `clean-up'--in the 26th October 2012 violence, courtesy Amaresh Misra
Immediately after the burnings, the gram Ppradhan of Bhadarsa arrived and his men cleaned up the vandalized areas. This also, could not have been achieved without planning. It reflects the Gujarat pattern; in Germany and Italy too, fascists always preferred cleaning up the `mess'—blood, bones and belongings of minorities—their hordes left behind.
Burnt belongings of a Muslim family in Bhadarsa, Faizabad—after the fascistic `clean-up'--in the 26th October 2012 violence, courtesy Amaresh Misra
Burnt belongings of a Muslim family in Bhadarsa, Faizabad—failure of the fascistic `clean-up'--26th October 2012 violence, courtesy Amaresh Misra
In Faizabad city, local Faizabad SP leaders like Dimple Pandey were found leading groups of miscreants shouting 'jai shree ram' and the like. Durga Puja Committee members were also seen doing the same. Often, local SP, Hindu Yuva Vahini and BJP leaders were seen working in tandem.
As in Gujarat during 2002, crowds possessed prepared cans of oil, used for burning shops. Some fire brigade vans were damaged before they could reach their destinations. Some that did reach trouble spots were found to be without water!
It later transpired that on October 24, 2012, violating traditional practices, Durga Puja Committee members issued a circular asking women and children not to participate in the procession!
AC Sharma, the current Director-General of UP Police reached Faizabad on October 25, 2012. Acknowledging failure of the district administration to act decisively on October 24, he promised action. Next day—on October 26—violence broke out afresh!
AC Sharma was the Police Chief of Kanpur during the Babari Masjid demolition. His failure to stop anti-Muslim violence in Kanpur in 1992 saw a commission of enquiry being set-up against him—even though the Mathur Commission report indicted Sharma in the late 1990s, no action was taken against him. He has been promoted and now enjoys the position of UP's top cop!
Sharma's involvement—plus the dubious role of Ramit Sharma—the now transferred SSP of Faizabad—brings to the fore the communal role of a section of the Brahmin lobby in Faizabad violence. Given the active aid and abetment given to rioters in Pratapgarh by Raja Bhaiyya's men—and upper caste-OBC belligerence in Mathura and other UP towns—the culpability of a section of Yadavs, Thakurs and Brahmins—both in and outside the SP—to incite anti-minority aggression in order to roll back the post-2012 Muslim assertion in UP—in Faizabad events—and other previous riots—appears close to reality.
Gujarat Pattern in UP
The pattern seen in smaller towns like Bhadarsa is disturbing. Perhaps for the first time in Uttar Pradesh, OBCs—Kevats and Koiris—led by Yadavs—were used brazenly against Muslims. This again reveals the Gujarat prototype in UP—in Modi's State too, Dalits and Adivasis—earlier part of the Congress' KHAM (Kshattriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim) combination–were used against Muslims during the 2002 riots.
Courageous resistance by bands of Muslim youth saved the main Bhadarsa market from being ransacked by blood thirsty mobs. Yet, instead of being lauded for their role, several Muslim boys were picked up by the local Police and jailed even without a single FIR being registered against them. On the other hand, individuals leading riotous mobs were not arrested even after registration of FIRs; only some leaders—mostly belonging to the BSP—who took an active part in the anti-Muslim violence—were actually jailed.
Two people—one Hindu in Bhadarsa and one Muslim in Shahganj—lost their lives. However, while several Muslim youths were arrested in Bhadarsa, similar action was found wanting in Shahganj.
Immediately after the riots, Akhilesh Yadav visited the nearby city of Gonda to enjoy a wrestling match. He did not however come to Faizabad. The SP city and ADM, Faizabad have been suspended. But the DM and SSP—the main culprits—have only been transferred.
Deplorably, Akhilesh Yadav—or senior SP leaders—did not target Yogi Adityanath, the BJP MP from Gorakhpur—or his Hindu Yuva Vahini—the main organization responsible for much of the anti-Muslim violence. The most intriguing part is the silence of Mitrasen Yadav, the SP MLA from Bikapur—the Vidhan Sabha constituency which includes Bhadarsa in its realm. Mitrasen was formerly in the CPI—some prominent Muslims of Bhadarsa have even accused him of collusion with communal forces.
Even during the last SP government (2002-2007), the Mulayam Singh Yadav-Adityanath bonhomie was well known. But why is Akhilesh Yadav—who promised a clean break from his father's politics—treading the same path?
Faizabad incident has laid bare the secular credentials of the SP. Is there a secret understanding between the SP and the BJP? Is it true that society be dammed, polarization of votes between Hindus and Muslims, will benefit BJP and SP in UP politics? But the game might backfire as well—the BJP will gain but alienated Muslims are already voicing strong opposition to SP rule. They can go either with the BSP or the Congress.
Nimesh Commission Findings
Set up by the Mayawati government in 2007, the Nimesh Commission submitted its report to the present UP government on August 31, 2012. But the Akhilesh Yadav Government has not tabled the report on the floor of the UP assembly. The findings of the Commission have been leaked to a Hindi website.
The Nimesh Commission has raised doubts over the claims of UP Police and its Special Task Force (STF) that Tariq Qasmi of Azamgarh and Khalid Muajhid of Jaunpur are terrorists.
The Commission has gone into detail about discrepancies in the prosecution's charge-sheet. The latter reveals that both Khalid and Tariq were arrested formally by the Uttar Pradesh Police in Barabanki on December 22, 2007 with arms and ammunition. But eye witnesses and Police personals who deposed before Justice Nimesh clarified that while Tariq was picked up by some plainclothesmen from Rani ki Sarai in Azamgarh in broad daylight on December 12, 2007, Khalid was `abducted' by men not in uniforms on December 16, 2007 from Madiahoo, in Jaunpur district.
At the time of their respective pre-22nd December `abductions', witnesses say that both Khalid and Tariq were not bearing arms; so—Nimesh commission puts forward this question—how come they were `caught' with arms and ammunition on 22nd December? Where was Tariq between December 12-22, 2012 and where was Khalid between December 16 and 22?
Nimesh Commission report literally proves that Khalid and Tariq are innocent of the crimes they are accused of; in fact, they are victims of a frame-up.
It needs to be recalled that as soon as the UP Government wrote to the DMs of various districts—including Azamgarh and Jaunpur—asking why cases against certain accused—including Tariq and Khalid—should not be withdrawn—communal lobbies among the bureaucracy and lawyers started screaming in a ridiculous manner that `the UP Government is trying to free terrorists'!
Just before October 24-26, 2012 Faizabad communal violence, lawyers with a communal mind-set in Faizabad went on strike for more than 20 days against the SP Government's alleged move to free Khalid and Mujahid. So a political background lies behind the October 24-26, 2012 Faizabad Communal Violence. The role of RSS-BJP-Hindu Vahini and the social-ideological forces allied to these formations appear to have created the environment for the regrettable and thoroughly avoidable sectarian menace.
A link between the uproar caused by the Nimesh Commission and the Faizabad violence is obvious.
The Congress in particular has to tread carefully both on the issue of the proposed release of terror suspects, and communal violence in Faizabad and other UP districts. One irresponsible statement by any Congress leader or Minister—opposing say the proposed release of terror suspects—can end Congress' aim of bouncing back in UP politics. Mahant Adityanath represents the new, modern face of communalism in UP. He is the future Narendra Modi—will secular forces allow UP becoming another Gujarat?
Concluded.
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