The Summit Plan

Percy Fernandez
09 May 2013, 02:02 PM IST

When it comes to Everest, there are three things that matter-altitude, weather and your mountaineering skills. What about the Sherpas? Without them, it is simply not possible to be on the mountain, leave alone climbing to the top. I wonder all the time, how these hardy men perform such unbelievably incredible tasks at high altitude. Mind you, these are not just men who go up and down the mountain, make the Khumbu Icefall accessible and stock high camps and be with you on the summit push. They are possessed with acute mountaineering wisdom and years of experience on the Big E that they disburse when it comes to chalking your Summit plan. Most expedition leaders consult their peers and professional mountain weather forecast organisations for the summit window but it is always reliable to talk to the Sherpas who open the routes to high camps and thereby have a pulse on the weather on Everest. I can tell you about our plan. While it is not cast on stone, but depending on the weather this is what we intend to do. The team has already gone up the Icefall twice. We will go up the mountain one last time before our final acclimatisation climb. Like most expeditions, we too would want to keep our trips across the Khumbu Icefall to a minimum. On the final acclimatisation climb, we plan to sleep at Camp II (6800 M), go up to Camp III (7400 M), sleep for a night, come back to Camp II and sleep for a night before heading back to Base Camp and wait for the summit push. In the meanwhile, our Sherpa staff have already left Base Camp to stock Camp III and Camp IV, located at South Col at 8000 M. Once they are done, they get back to Base Camp to climb with the team for the summit push. Talking to a lot of Sherpas from other expeditions, it looks like that the we would be ready for the summit push during the later part of the second week of May. Last year, the first party went up the summit on May 19. I was discussing with Col. Sharma and Wng. Cmdr. Kutty last night since the first ascent on the May 28, 1953, the summit window has been pushed by two weeks, blame it on global warming or waiting for the spirits that guard Chomolungma grant permission. But whatever it is, you can only be on Everest if the mountain wants you to be there, says Rafiq. It may sound a bit weird but true.

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But, Your Lordship, this parrot sings like a canary

TK Arun
09 May 2013, 02:03 PM IST

The Hon'ble Supreme Court has made scathing remarks about the CBI, calling it a caged parrot with multiple masters. It has said that the CBI has allowed officials to remove the heart of the investigation by showing them its draft report. Further, it has demanded that the CBI be made truly independent. While the Supreme Court's intentions are unambiguously noble, it is difficult to agree with even one of these observations.

To begin with, is the CBI a caged parrot? It has been investigating the nephew of a cabinet minister for three months and has now caught him accepting a bribe, allegedly for favours in the uncle's ministry. If this is what parrots do in their cage in their spare time between squawking to different masters, it is time to chuck them a tasty treat, not waste time mocking them.

Further, the CBI has faithfully reported to the Court whom all in the government it had shown two of its draft preliminary enquiry reports. It has also been quite forthcoming as to the changes it made at the suggestion of these government functionaries. This demonstration of dual accountability, first to the government, and now, to the Courts, reinforces its will to function without interference, rather than servility to multiple masters. The Court is obviously right to demand that the government not meddle with the professional working of the CBI. But to couch this as independence of the CBI is to get it completely wrong.

Around the world, the problem is to establish and maintain civilian oversight of security/ police agencies, not to remove it. A CBI that is truly independent, that is, accountable to no institution apart from its own presumed professionalism, is a nightmare no one wants to see. If the agency were free to investigate any presumed offence and then choose to not prosecute for reasons best known to itself, it can become a source of extortion, blackmail and subversion of justice. It must be made institutionally accountable.

Making the CBI accountable to the Central Vigilance Commissioner is not much of a reform. Suppose the CVC turns rogue or gets delusions of grandeur and begins to function in an arbitrary, authoritarian fashion, and has the CBI at its disposal to act as it wants to. The result would not be pretty, either.

The only way to insulate the CBI against unprofessional functioning and/or meddling is to make it accountable to multiple institutions at the same time: for example, to the government, the courts, a committee of Parliament and the National Human Rights Commission. Each of these institutions would check any tendency for any other institution to trespass beyond its legitimate terrain while interfacing with the CBI.

But this would be for the legislature to decide, not for the Court or any other agency to dictate. Truncating the rights of either the legislature or the executive might seem appealing, given the disarray within either institution at a given point of time, but to give in to that temptation would be to undermine democracy.

Finally, about the propriety of the CBI having shared its draft reports with officials of the PMO. CBI director Ranjit Sinha's affidavit says that these very officials have been coordinating with the CBI to provide files, clarity on policy and proceedings. If they were to vet the draft report on what is essentially a story of policy deficit and failure providing room for politicians to sell patronage to cronies, what is wrong with it? Especially when the CBI is ready to share with the courts details as to what precisely was changed following the officials' comments. Note that the demand to make the CBI independent rests on notions of the agency's professionalism. If it exists, why not trust it to decide whether any suggestion by outside functionaries are valid or designed to subvert the investigation?

The Court says the CBI allowed the officials to remove the heart of the investigation. Really? One change, introduced by the minister, says that there were no guidelines for the allocation of captive mines since 1993. Is it anyone's case that this is not correct? Two other changes, made at the instance of officials from the prime minister's office and the coal ministry, deleted statements that there were no specific weightages and that the screening committee kept no broad sheets and charts in the allocation process over 2005-09. Any weightage and broad sheets and charts could derive only from guidelines for allocation. Since such guidelines themselves did not exist, which is damning enough evidence of arbitrariness in the allocation process, did it make any material difference if there were no weightages and sheets? Do these changes take away the heart of the investigation?

The fourth change was a deletion by the minister to remove from the scope of the investigation legality of making allocations while the process of amending the law was underway. It is unclear why the minister made this change. It would only have shown the government in a favourable light. The Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation Act was being amended to give a legal basis for the auction procedure for allocation of captive mines suggested by the prime minister and resisted by everyone else. As of today, 50,000 MW of power generation capacity lies idle for want of fuel. This makes huge investments infructuous, makes the loans that have financed the power plants unviable, erodes the health of the banks and other financial institutions that made these loans, besides pre-empting new production and income that would have taken place, had these idle power plants produced power. So allocation of captive mines had to be done, in the hope of digging up more of India's coal than the inefficient state monopoly is capable of.

The coal scam results from a combination of two policy failures: state monopoly in coal and administered pricing of the bulk of domestic coal to keep it below the price of imported coal. State monopoly with Coal India and its inefficiency combine to make supply fall short of the demand. This is the basis for allowing captive mines. Captive mines also pay royalty on the coal they mine. And they pay taxes on the profits they make from the end use of the coal they mine for captive use. Repressed pricing makes domestic coal more profitable than using imported coal, Insufficient supplies from the state monopoly makes captive mines a lucrative opportunity. And politicians of all parties and in all states that have mines have converted the allocation of captive mines into a rich source of graft.

So, when Dr Manmohan Singh suggested auctions to allocate captive mines, fellow Congressmen were resentful. BJP, BJD and Left leaders came to their aid, the state governments run by them opposing the move. And it came in handy that there was no firm legal basis for auctioning captive mines. So it was decided to initiate amendment of the MMDRA and to continue with the screening committee process in vogue since 1993 to allocate mines till the Act was amended.

The Coal Scam is not a scam of the central government or the Congress party. It is a scam of the political class, state governments being actors in not just the screening committee at the Centre but in the actual grant of mining lease at the state level. To blame Manmohan Singh for this is sheer hypocrisy.

What the nation needs is to scrap state monopoly in coal and to stop administrative pricing of domestic coal. Coal India should be broken up into its seven constitutive companies, who should be made to compete with one another and with new merchant miners who win mining leases, bidding for the highest rate of royalty/ revenue share/ lease rental.

The Courts should understand problems holistically, and not make hasty pronouncements.

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Mango people in banana republic given tota-maina kee kahani

Veeresh Malik
09 May 2013, 02:43 PM IST

The Supreme Court of India is reported thusly "Raising questions on the independence of CBI, the apex court called it a 'caged parrot speaking in its master's voice'." The court making a scathing comment on the functioning of the investigating agency said, "It's a sordid saga that there are many masters and one parrot."

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/CBI-a-caged-parrot-heart-of-Coalgate-report-changed-Supreme-Court/articleshow/19952260.cms

No longer, like never before in the past, can it be said that the people of India have comtempt for or of Court. Would this not be in in stark contrast to what some worthies who currently occupy high positions across different levels in India had or had not scribbled on the walls of this august building during the Emergency days? I have to word it like this, sorry.

Likewise, it seems that the Indian Railway's Railway Board posting scam, which appears to be more like a multi-level ponzi scheme morphed with simple extortion gone wrong, has not reached the Supreme Court's kind attention for comments as yet, so in case the voice of the mango people of India, who are travelling largely by sleeper non-aircon and general compartment because all aircon class seats are pre-booked thanks to ticketing scam, is being heard by the almighty bananas, it is suggested that these masters and their caged parrots and sundry nephews be provided food only from pantry cars of trains? Tilak Bridge Railway Station is not too far from the Supreme Court, and almost all trains heading in towards New Delhi halt there, so surplus food can be off-loaded there - a big railway colony and guest house is also nearby.

Also, it is likely that many more people from Indian Railways will now be questioned, since such a huge scam for postings at the Railway Board could not have come out of thin air from boiler shop of Jamalpur Steam Loco Workshop, near where I grew up. So it is humbly suggested that these parrots and their masters all be given board and lodging in railway wagons. Parked at the State Entry Road platforms. But guarded by RPF? There also it appears that a scam is brewing. They can be given berths under nephew quota?

But the larger issue is this - parrots have to be fed, no? As well as taught to sing. Also cuckoos. Which reminds me of a song, very relevant, called "tota maino kee kahani". Oof, this whole spelling mistake ting-ting? Anyways, here is the song, in which Shabana Azmi looks so hot, which has nothing to do with this article.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BBg6aLda8cU

But what does have something to do with this article is the simple fact that we are glad to note that the single parrot for multiple masters concept has finally been given its rightful place in the lexicon, as we rapidly move from litchi season to mango season to silly season, a scam a week season, in the old days new movie would be released only on Fridays especially before holiday season, now all movies are failing because of this permanent scam season, and as the cuckoo wails out plaintively outside and monarch butterlies flit around looking for banana peels. This is so different from the dog listening to the gramophone symbol, going round and round, that we all grew up too. 

Truth be told, most parrots that I have known and observed, seldom listen. Instead, they tend to cackle back a lot, often imitating their masters. And mistresses. And neighbours. Even wandering minstrels and courier type people who ring the bell. On one ship we were on, the parrot could even imitate the ship's cat. One day, after an eclipse, the cat learnt how to open the parrot's cage, stupid parrot, too scared to fly out, satisfied looking cat after that. Chomp chomp.

Lords and Ladies, my humble submission here is that the role of the parrot, caged or otherwise, should not be ridiculed. Nor should the parrots be demoralised. After all, as far as the Railway scam is concerned, there is always this song to think about, which pretty much spells it out.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r-WRId9Tytw

Instead, we simply need many more parrots, preferably flying free. Release our parrots today. Otherwise the cats will get it. Thank you and humbly submitted. 

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How Congress won Karnataka

John Cheeran
08 May 2013, 02:59 PM IST

Now it is certain that Congress will form the government in Karnataka. The party has secured a simple majority in the 223-seat state assembly. Political pundits are, however, quick to point out that Congress has not succeeded in cashing in on circumstances ripe for a massive victory. The verdict is that Congress has nothing to build on from the Karnataka election results. The party has failed to deliver the killer blow.

Is it so simple? Congress fought a very difficult election in the state. Of course, with a BJP chief minister going to jail on corruption charges, and the same influential leader breaking away from the party, splitting the Hindutva votes, it can be argued that Congress should have an intimidating majority in the assembly.

It is true, but only up to a point. B S Yeddyurappa's KJP split votes that BJP should have garnered naturally. Being a Lingayat leader, a section of votes that bolstered the BJP's MLA kitty in 2008, Yeddyurappa contesting elections and winning a significant number of seats has hurt the saffron party.

But unlike many other states, in this election Congress's main worry has been JD(S), the so-called farmers' party, led by a street-smart H D Kumaraswamy and ever-sleepy Deva Gowda. Once upon a time, Deva Gowda was India's prime minister. Now he is the only former prime minister active in Indian politics. You cannot ignore him, what with everyone now proclaiming the inability of both Congress (UPA) and BJP (NDA) to win power in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

So how do you counter a less-than-moribund, JD(S) which has a wily father-son leadership that conveniently claims an anti-Hindutva pro-rural stance, and enter electoral fray as a natural contender for anti-incumbency votes? That too at a time when at the Centre, the UPA government is battling corruption charges in Coalgate and now, 'jobs for sale' scam in Indian Railways. And the CBI chief Ranjit Sinha's admission to the Supreme Court that law minister Ashwani Kumar and the prime minister's office altered the Coalgate probe status report too came at the most inappropriate time for the Congress. This election was difficult for Congress and the results have proved it so.

JD(S), which should have been Congress's natural ally since BJP formed the government in Karnataka, has checked the Congress resurgence but not a credible victory in the state. BJP suffered humiliation but more than Congress, JD(S) has gained out of its comeuppance. Kumaraswamy's party has almost emerged as the principal opposition party, pushing BJP into a corner, and thereby reviving the Third Front theory, and keeping political fantasies alive.

May be this is the perfect result Congress could have had in Karnataka. The party has just that space on the floor of the assembly to form a government but prevent any ambitious misadventure within its ranks. The seat positions leave little chance for BJP and JD(S) to benefit from any bickering within the Congress and form an alternative government.

Now, the all-important question. Had Yeddyurappa not left the BJP bandwagon, could Congress have emerged winner in this election? The results indicate that Congress would have won, may be with a bigger margin of seats. By getting rid of Yeddyurappa, BJP was trying to minimize electoral damage on the corruption front. Keeping Yeddyurappa within its ranks and going to people would have been disastrous.

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Imran Khan’s fall may push his rise

Sameer Arshad
08 May 2013, 03:02 PM IST

The 'cornered tiger' t-shirt Imran Khan wore before leading his country to the 1992 cricket world cup win remains one of the enduring images etched to Pakistan's collective memory. It was the galvanising factor that brought the country its greatest sporting glory.

The cricketer-turned-politician cut a similar cornered tiger figure as he made an appeal for support to his party from a Lahore hospital bed as he had a miraculous escape after falling from a 15feet lifter at a rally. A sympathy wave swept across Pakistan as the appeal was aired on TV, prompting many to describe it as the potential turning point ahead of the Saturday elections.

The message reinforced Khan's image as a feisty man and a unifying force in a deeply-fragmented country. There was a spontaneous outpouring of support for the ex-cricketer from across Pakistan and cutting across party lines. Even his bitter critics acknowledged his greatness and used their twitter handles to express their support.

Khan's political opponents including ex-prime minister Nawaz Sharif, who has been at the receiving end of his adversarial campaign, cancelled their electioneering as a mark of solidarity.

This is significant for a country, where politics is extremely confrontationist. 

Before the freak accident, Sharif had a marginal lead over Khan and was widely expected to beat him in the race for the country's top post. The fall may turn out to be the push that would see Khan through.

The ex-cricketer had founded his Tehreek-e-Insaf 17 years back after building a cancer hospital to treat the poor free of cost in his mother's memory. But he remained a marginal force in politics despite an impeccable philanthropic and public service record that includes the establishment of a state of the art university in the middle of nowhere in northern Pakistan. He was the lone member of his party in the parliament till 2007 before he boycotted the last elections as they were held under military ruler Pervez Musharraf.

His political rise began with his October 2011 rally in Lahore that was hailed as one of the biggest in the country's history. He continued addressing similar gathering and opinion polls showed him as the most popular Pakistani leader. He drew comparisons with Pakistan People's Party (PPP) founder Zulfikhar Ali Bhutto, who had taken the country by storm with his roti, kapra, makan and social justice promise in the 1970s.

Khan's political rise coincided with the PPP government's failure to curb terrorism, inflation create jobs and fix the economy. His stand on the drone attacks and the US-led war on terror made him a darling of the masses. Pakistan's leading politicians were exposed for their duplicity on the drone attacks – condemning them in public and condoning them in private with the American officials.  In contrast, Wikileaks revealed that Khan had taken the same stand privately as well as publically and reinforced him image of honesty and integrity.

The ex-cricketer was the only leader to hold rallies in Pakistan's northwest as most politicians confined themselves to their fortress-like houses due to Taliban threats. He later led a march to Pakistan's tribal northwest braving threats to protest the attacks in 2012, something that catapulted him to the peak of his popularity.

But the realpolitik does not work on emotions. He had to get electable candidates, many of whom were turncoats and had been part of what Khan described as the political status quo that he had set out to outdo for his 'Naya Pakistan'. This was seen as a contradiction, which along with his support for engaging with the Taliban antagonised liberals.

Khan's decision to go ahead with the internal party elections – the first in Pakistan's history -- months before the national elections bogged his party down and allowed his opponents -- Sharifs of the Pakistan Muslim League (N) to regroup. Sharif's party that was in power in Pakistan's political nerve centre of Punjab accounting for 55% parliamentary seats went on a development spree. It completed Lahore's Metro Bus Project in a record time besides executing other populist measures including distribution of free laptops to students to steal Khan's thunder. The PML (N)'s measures had the desired results as Sharif overtook Khan as the most popular politician.

Taliban attacks on PPP, Awami National Party (ANP) and Karachi-based Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) besides lately on Jamiat Ulema Islam and Jamaat-e-Islami have crippled their campaign. In contrast, Khan has confined himself to Punjab that has remained untouched by the violence. Khan is likely to gain in Khyber Pakhtunkhawa at ANP's cost that would give him a decisive edge over Sharif, while MQM and PPP are likely to retain their strongholds of urban, interior Sindh and south Punjab.

Khan's pan-Pakistan appeal further gives him an edge over Sharif, who despite allying with nationalists in Sindh and Baluchistan is seen mainly as a Punjabi leader. As the outpouring of support for Khan demonstrates, he enjoys multiple identities that Pakistan comprises of. He is a Pathan from his father's side and a Muhajir from Jalandhar from him mother's side. He is a Punjabi having been born and raised in Lahore and above all Pakistan's national hero, something that the fall may have ended up reinforcing to catapult his rise.

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Paradoxes galore in Karnataka elections

Dileep Padgaonkar
08 May 2013, 03:19 PM IST

 

Startling ironies mark the results of the elections in Karnataka. The Congress benefited from the backlash against the BJP's record of abject greed during its years in power. Yet, across the nation, it is the Congress that is in the dock for a number of financial misdemeanours at the national level. Indeed, the voters in state were unmoved by the most recent shenanigans of two of its senior ministers: railway minister Pawan Kumar and law minister Ashwini Kumar. 

Thanks to a number of 24X7 news channels, including, especially, in the vernacular languages, the electorate across the caste/regional/minority/ urban/rural divides was abreast of these shenanigans. But they chose to punish alleged thieves in the state rather than the alleged thieves in New Delhi. This is a pointed indicator to two new phenomena in our politics. The first is that mass communications – both mainstream and non-mainstream – have obliterated earlier distinctions between urban and rural voters. And the second is that our politics is now well and truly federalised. A battle won in one state does not translate into a war won nation-wide.

That second argument is, of course, what the BJP would like to emphasize. But that is a self-serving approach. It sought to gain the high moral ground when it showed Yedurappa the door. But this did not blur, let alone erase, the stain of corruption that blotched its image. The election result has shown Yedurappa for what he is: a Kannada Keshubhai Patel. Here, howver, is the difference: Keshubhai could not prevent Narendra Modi's third triumph in the state elections. But Yedurappa managed to ensure the BJP's debacle in Karnataka.

So here is another irony. Yedurappa is a Modi acolyte. But the results suggest that the BJP couldn't make a headway in the areas that Modi campaigned. The exception is perhaps Bangalore. Questions are therefore bound to be asked, quite pertinently, if Modi, who aspires to be the BJP's prime ministerial candidate, can impact the electorate beyond his fiefdom in Gujarat. His adversaries in the BJP – and their number is legion – will harp on this fact. Modi's appearences in Maharashtra, incidently, have been equally counter-productive. 

This is bound to sharpen the antagonisms within the BJP leadership. Several senior leaders leave no room for doubt – in private – that Modi is a divisive figure who, given his propensity to toe to the Hindutva line in front of some audiences and toe the development line in front of others, will land the party in a cul-de-sac. The NDA allies are even more sceptical about Modi in view of their dependence on the minority vote.

The impact of the campaign of Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Manmohan Singh is equally problematic. But here is what differentiates the Congress and the BJP. There is no tussle in the Congress for the top job. That is not true for the BJP. The former projects an image of a united party; the latter has six actors in search of the main role. 

Here is another irony. The JD(S) has fared better than any one had bargained for. It has indeed emerged as the main opposition party. But since the Congress is now poised to form a government on his own he can no longer realise his prime ambition: to be a kingmaker. It has now vowed to fight both the Congress and the BJP. The intent clearly is to give a new lease of life to a third front. But, from all accounts, this is a pipe dream. 

The reason is clear enough: regional parties will need to side with one major national party or the other to safeguard their interests in their state. At present the number of parties who are anti-Congress is greater than parties who are pro-BJP. But if the BJP does get the requisite numbers to form the government – even if it emerges as the largest party in the general elections – the BJP might have to eat crow again. Remember: in Karanatka the JD (S), once an ally of the BJP, will now be the principal opposition party in the state.

And here is the final irony. When asked who would head the government in Karnatka, the stock answer of Congress leaders is that this would be decided by the party's high-command. The fact is that the party won in Karnataka despite the miserable choice of candidates. It is the state leaders who clinched the victory. A bit of modesty would do a whole lot of good to the high command.

This is even more true of the BJP high command. This cabal is out of tune with the swift federalisation of Indian politics. It botched its chances in Karnataka. It will botch them in other BJP-ruled states if their leaders who have proved their worth are side-lined. The cabal has disrupted the functioning of parliament at a time when it has enough ammunition to make the Congress answerable for the humongous scams that have taken place under its watch.

Trust the Congress to show the door to Pawan Kumar Bansal and Ashwini Kumar sooner or later. Trust it, too, to use the ordinance route to bring in legislation on the food security bill and the land acquisition bill. These are the party's trump cards.  Trust it, again, to draw the line between progressive and secular forces and retrograde forces in the campaign for the general elections. All of this may not help the Congress to score a hat trick. It has to contend with its battered image as a corrupt and ineffective government.  But it would help to send the BJP back, yet again, to the opposition benches.  

 

 

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Hardly anything in CBI affidavit to warrant anyone’s resignation….

Prashant Panday
07 May 2013, 06:58 AM IST

So the CBI has declared that 3 deletions and 1 addition was made in its draft report on Coalgate. The opposition seems to have won a "tactical" victory, but is behaving as if someone has been pronounced guilty! Why tactical? Because it has been claimed by the CBI that the Law Minister, the AG and the ASG all lied – the latter two in the SC, the first one in media. But the issue we need to focus on is whether the changes suggested/made are substantial. The CBI has said they are not. No accused has been let off. No names have been deleted. The tenor of the report has not been changed. Nothing was diluted. So why should anyone resign????

Where is there any "interference" in the investigations as is being alleged by the BJP? In fact, Mohan Parasaran, the Solicitor General has clearly stated in ET that "As far as the PM is concerned (his stance is) if anyone body has committed any wrong law will take its own course. And that we should fully cooperate with the court and that he (has affirmed) the basic principle that we should never interfere with the investigation".  He adds: "PM is saying that the government's credibility should completely be safeguarded and restored. We are not here to shield people. We will fully cooperate with court in placing all the facts so it will be good for posterity as well". Does the PM look guilty of anything?

But let's return to the changes made in the CBI draft report. The deletions made were as under (taken from TOI):

1) A tentative finding in the PE2 status report (dealing with 2006 to 2009 allocations) about non-existence of a system of allocating specific weightages or points (for deciding who gets coal blocks) was "deleted at the instance of the officials of PMO and coal ministry"
2) Another tentative finding in the same paragraph about non-preparation of "broadsheets" (presumably spreadsheets) or charts by the screening committee "to the best of our recollection" was deleted by the law minister
3) A change was made to the PE4 status report (dealing with 1993 to 2005 allocations) at the instance of PMO and coal ministry officials to incorporate the fact of "non-existence of approved guidelines" for allocating coal blocks.

The italics have been added by me. Nothing has been deleted I promise (lest I be accused of adding and deleting too!). Now just look at the first two points. Remember that the system followed between 2006-9 was the same one that existed since 1993. The UPA did not start it. So if "the system of allocating specific weightages or points (for deciding who gets coal blocks)" did not exist between 2006-9, it did not exist in the prior years also. Ditto for "non preparation of broadsheets or charts by the screening committee". Understanding this is crucial because it is being claimed that all this happened only during 2006-9. If the above statements are true, then all governments since 1993 are guilty. And this includes the BJP for six long years.

Point 3 above directly relates to the 1993-2005 period – and again is in line with my observation about the 1^st two points.

What's clear is that the system had weaknesses – from 1993 to 2005. It is this weak system that the PM wanted to change by changing over to auctions. What happened to his effort? Everyone conspired – most notably the CMs from the opposition ruled states of WB (Left), Orissa (BJD), Chhatisgarh (BJP), Jharkhand (BJP/JMM/Independent), Rajasthan (then ruled by the BJP) – to kill auctions (Read TK Arun in ET of 3^rd May). It was a collective decision of the Congress and opposition to let the old flawed system continue till auctions could be introduced. This should be the central point of the CBI and SC inquiry…..not that a few people lied (though I am not condoning that).

The BJP was earlier demanding that the PM quit for his "involvement" in the coal scam. Suddenly that no longer seems to be their demand. They now want the Minister of Law to resign. What happened? Is it that the BJP realizes there is nothing critical in the CBI's preliminary findings about the role of the PM? Is it that that they realize that whatever critical findings have been made cover the six years of NDA rule as well?

But how does it matter that the BJP demands the PM's resignation or someone else's? It's not as if it will let Parliament function. That's why I keep saying – the BJP's objective is to stop legislative business. Everything else is just an excuse. If not the PM, then the two ministers. If not the two ministers, then the bureaucrats. If not coal, then 2G. If not this, then that. The objective is clear. The methods keep changing. In this context, read Shekhar Gupta in the Indian Express of 4^th May.

It's important to stay focused on the core issues and not get distrated by the tiny blots. The country wants to know if the Congress government worked at bringing in more transparency or removing it in the coal allocation process. To get to that, the following questions must be answered:

1)    Who thought of auctions? (Answer: the PM in 2004)

2)    Had the BJP not thought of auctions when they ruled? (Answer: no. They were happy to let the flawed screening committee do the allocations. If this system was wrong, the BJP is as involved in the scam as anyone else).

3)    Why were auctions not implemented immediately in 2004? (Answer: Official reason: Because some laws had to be changed to allow auctions. Real reason: no one, including the BJP, wanted a transparent system)

4)    What role did the opposition play in this? (Answer: all of them – the Left, BJD, BJP – opposed auctions in writing).

Now ask yourself: Does this show the PM or the Congress to be part of the scam? Or to be the ones who tried to stop the scam that had been going on since 1993?

The real truth is that the core issue: whether the PM is guilty or not – is the one that we should focus on. The rest is temporary froth, which excites the opposition, but which doesn't add to the discussion. What is clear is that the PM and the Congress tried to improve a flawed system. They tried to bring in auctions. They dismantled the weak system that existed before them. How can they be called guilty???? Why should anyone – leave alone the PM – resign????

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The mind-disease connection

Rachna Chhachhi
07 May 2013, 10:56 AM IST

A lot of cases have come to light in the stressful work scenario that have their roots in the mind. Unexplained pains, chronic diseases and personality-defying disorders, have been put down to a mind-disease connection, a connection medical science is only now beginning to acknowledge. A lot of people believe in this, some don't. But holistic healing via a combination of medical treatment, nutrition, therapy and a change in attitude go a long way in positive healing for almost all diseases.

Below are the top five that could get treated, and the methodology is explained:

1. Arthritis: Inflammation of  joints, usually accompanied by pain, swelling, and stiffness. Types of arthritis include bacterial arthritis, osteoarthritis, or rheumatoid arthritis.

Medical treatment: Pain killers, calcium supplementation, minerals, immune suppressants, steroids, etc.

Mind cause: Feeling of resentment and anger building up over the years for someone in authority, mental rigidness to accept change

Holistic treatment: Treat the feeling of resentment by the patient via counselling and therapy. Combined with fortified nutritional diet, supplements, and lifestyle changes. Stress and toxin – busting techniques like detox, pranayam, meditation.

2. Hypertension: Abnormally elevated blood pressure.

Medical treatment: Weight loss, stress reduction via less work, reduction of sodium and alcohol intake, oral drugs.

Mind cause: Long-standing emotional problem, not letting go of the past

Holistic treatment: Treat the a long-standing emotional problem that has not been solved over the years. Combine with weight loss, supplements like omega-3 that  relax the mind, breathing exercises like alternate nose breathing that lower blood pressure, increased intake of vitamin C that decreases the blood pressure in the vessels.

3. Diabetes Mellitus: The body is not able to correctly process glucose for cell energy due to either an insufficient amount of the hormone insulin or a physical resistance to the insulin the body does produce.

Medical treatment: Insulin injections, oral medications, weight loss, high fibre diet.

Mind cause: Longing for what might or could have been. A great need to control and a deep sorrow with no sweetness left.

Holistic treatment: Letting go of what could have been, and letting go of control, via counselling to live in the present, and enjoy the pleasures of each day as it comes. Combine with exercise, weight loss, a high-fibre and beans diet that flushes out toxins and build up in the blood vessels.

4. Obesity:  Increased body weight caused by excessive accumulation of fat.

Medical treatment: Checking for hormonal imbalances, programs combining diet and exercise.

Mind cause: Insecurity and self-rejection causing need for protection and fear. Seeking fulfilment.

Holistic treatment: Treat the insecurity via increasing confidence and self worth of the individual. Combine with a diet and exercise doable plan over a longer period, to keep the weight off. High fibre diet and supplements like omega-3 that relax the mind to overcome the feelings of fear and insecurity, and B-vitamins to calm the nerves and good fats to flush out bad fats.

5. Thyroid:  Goitre, Hyperthyroidism, Hypothyroidism

Medical treatment: Oral medication

Mind cause: Being stuck in a job or situation that you don't want to do, humiliation at not being able to do what you like, constricted creativity

Holistic treatment: Step back from current work/relationship, and re-think what you want to do. Combine with a diet that is high in anti-inflammatory foods, low in goitrogenic foods like brussels sprouts, rutabaga, turnips, kohlrabi, radishes, cauliflower. 

To rid yourself of diseases, zip your mouth. -- Rachna Chhachhi

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No, you don't know who I am. And that's fine

Anshul Chaturvedi
07 May 2013, 12:21 PM IST

There are phases in life when people come to you – and this happens right from school – and ask you, 'How could you put up with that?' 'Why didn't you say something?' "How can you let them do this?' If you aren't seen screaming and protesting and doing a sort of a war-dance, sword in hand, at all the perceived injustices being handed out – being a Mamata Banerjee, basically – you're seen to be passive, timid, a rollover. You are supposed to make yourself seen, heard, known – to let people know, with collars up, who you are. What do they think you are, anyway?

I have not been a fan of that thought process. It means that the guy who brings his car to a violent halt bang in the middle of the road and rushes out to slap the auto driver for denting his shiny door panel is the epitome of true manhood. It means that when a disoriented schoolkid bangs his screeching scooter into my car and smashes my taillights, and I see what's happened and simply continue listening to music, disappointing all those around waiting eagerly for me to stomp out to settle scores, I'm being a loser. Ditto, if I do not opt to have a protest demonstration of sorts at every point of life where I think I'm not getting my due. But who is getting his due, anyway?

Am sorry to disappoint, but to not react with abuse or rant at the first sign of being irked is not weakness. To strut around with a robotic gait, and the vibes of an off-screen Rajinikanth at all times, is not being cool. Being the school bully or being the reckless SUV driving son of a quasi-don – said SUV usually having been purchased primarily with illegitimate money – does not make you a Cool Dude, sonny boy, even if does get your testosterone and adrenaline pumping furiously.

We equate brashness and cockiness with strength, and a dignified keeping quiet and carrying on with timidity. That is akin to equating a calm sea with an absence of water. The strongest of men have learnt to keep their egos under check and not be affronted when in situations where their presence is not heralded with pomp and show. It's not easy.

Think of the big clash of the Mahabharata – Krishna-guided Arjuna vs standalone Karna. Karna was fully aware of who he was; a man of royal blood equal to the Pandavas, but he was content to be seen as the charioteer's son. Neither did he find any reason to embrace his biological mother and leave the ones who raised him. He saw no reason to tell the world, I'm as royal as any of them. His peers may have mocked him as a Sootputra among the royal warriors, but the lord of the devas, Indra himself, knew very well who Karna was, knew he was the one who could defeat Arjuna, knew the 'daanveer' part of him as well, and knew that he wouldn't hesitate even if asked for his kavach and kundal. Did it really matter for such a man what everyday people saw him as?

I tend to respect Karna more than Arjuna, but Arjuna too wasn't someone who needed to strut around and tell the world who he was. In the period of agyatvaas, the man addressed by Krishna as 'bahubali' lived the life of an eunuch for the final year – a sharper contrast is difficult to imagine. Would he never have cringed at having to live that life in an era where prowess and manhood were the definitive traits of the Kshatriya prince? But he did; he lasted that year without going into an angst-filled drunken session and declaring to all and sundry, 'you don't know who I really am!' Krishna himself – though he would hardly need such indexes of self worth – grew up among the cowherds despite being from a royal family, and even after being acquainted with the facts, never needed to distance himself from his less powerful foster-parents.

Closer home, when I read about the figures that interest me, I draw a mental picture of Humayun wandering in exile with the newborn Akbar; of a Maharana Pratap sharing grass rotis in the desert as he fled Mughal forces; of a Shivaji attempting to curb his ego and stand in the court of Aurangzeb (it didn't work for long, though); of a Bose trudging across the Afghan frontier as a poor and dumb villager, being heckled and prodded by guards. Men with no deficiency of self-esteem, men with a sense of honour, often fairly powerful in phases, who, when circumstances dictated otherwise, did not rant or scream or turn into melancholic brooders. They shrugged their shoulders and quietly carried their cross on their backs. Till the tide turned – or even if it did not.

There's a ten-rupee poster of 'A Prayer' by Max Ehrmann tacked up above my table for many years. Midway, it says, "Though the World know me not, may my Thoughts and Actions be such as shall keep me friendly with Myself."

Let the world not know me. I do not feel the need to answer to anyone who asks – 'but how can you not raise this? How can you let them do this to you? What do they take you for?' Not even when I am sometimes, in an ego-driven moment, asking myself the same questions. It seems to me too close to the typical existential Delhi query: don't you know who I am?

My take on it is: Maybe you don't need to know, maybe you won't understand even if I told you.

I know who I am, and that is quite enough.

Follow Anshul Chaturvedi on Twitter 

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Say cheese, commander!

Shobha John
06 May 2013, 06:01 PM IST

It is a move that one saw coming. With some instances of pilots acting irresponsibly and endangering the lives of passengers, it was a foregone conclusion that the DGCA would crack down on them sooner rather than later.

News that the regulator may ask airlines to install cameras in cockpits will evoke mixed reactions. While pilots are chaffing at it, saying it infringes on their privacy, struggling airlines will wonder how to install cameras in all their planes. Passengers, of course, will welcome it saying it is like cracking the whip on a recalcitrant and petulant child who refuses to learn.

The latest report of pilot lapse would have left most people shocked and shaking their head in astonishment. Two pilots allegedly allowed two air hostesses to sit in their seats. In the process, say reports, one of the stewardesses accidentally turned off the auto-pilot, forcing the pilots to rush back to their seats. While the veracity of this report needs to be confirmed as it seems too outlandish, the fact remains that there have been instances of pilots landing at airports without ATC clearance, and almost colliding with planes taking off. It's obvious what is wrong – there is no fear of the regulator or of their airline. These, coupled with lax training standards and nepotism have led pilots to behave in any manner they think fit.

And that's why crew resource management is of utmost importance. There have been instances of co-pilots refusing to fly with certain commanders. Many come with different attitudes and temperaments where professionalism suffers. There have even been shocking instances of cockpit and cabin crew coming to blows in mid-air.

Ego issues, coupled with age differences between the commander and the co-pilot can lead to a deadly cocktail. Extreme cases of animosity between pilots have become part of aviation folklore. In one case, two senior pilots of an airline were flying a B737. Both refused to speak to each other and when the commander forgot to put his landing gears down, the co-pilot kept mum. The plane landed on its belly, damaging it. Such lack of teamwork and foolishness are unpardonable.

In India, particularly, obsequiousness and favoritism are common. The commander is treated like a demi-god and often behaves like one. This can make co-pilots lapse into silence and simply be on-lookers. Some say it is part of the Asian culture where people don't speak up in front of a senior. Also, when the commander holds the key to a co-pilot's future, some prefer to be quiet. That's why it's so important to pay emphasis to psychological training wherein barriers of caste and creed are broken down. Regional groupisms are known to have infiltrated cockpits too. 

Aviation, unlike other sectors, does not forgive mistakes. The costs of indiscipline are too high, the lives lost too many. While having cameras in the cockpit may seem extreme, the fact is that being a pilot comes with immense responsibility and maturity. Some forget that.

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Aurangzeb

Meeta Kabra
06 May 2013, 06:03 PM IST

When I first heard of the film Aurangzeb, I wondered if it was going to be a periodic film. When I saw the suited Arjun Kapoor on posters, I wondered if it was about a son ousting his father from his proverbial throne - a business, a political party or even as the head of a mafia gang. But, from the trailer, it looks like another version of Don.

After this initial disappointment though, there is some solace in the fact that the trailer didn't really look too bad and the film has Rishi Kapoor. I hope he is given a nice, meaty role to keep the interest going in Aurangzeb. There is also a chance that their take the story is different from what we've seen earlier.

Another interesting bit is that the film is produced by Yash Raj Films. You don't really associate a crime film with this banner. But, then again, neither should have Tashan been associated with this banner (or any other!)

I am 50-50 on this one from its promo material. How about you?

Music Reviews:
glamsham - "2.5/5"

IBN Live - "'Aurangzeb' has interesting compositions and the music is well put together, but not an all round soundtrack as it won't appeal to the masses. "
Milliblog - "Aurangzeb has an interestingly thematic score, led by Vipin."

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Icons with a difference

Boria Majumdar
06 May 2013, 06:22 PM IST

 

Iconicity is hard earned. And it is even harder to preserve the iconic status for generations. This is especially so for eateries or restaurants for over the years a dip in quality is almost inevitable. Eateries that are able to maintain a certain standard for decades on end attain an almost mythic status and in the process become part of local history. Crepes made in roadside stalls near the Eifel Tower in Paris or the fried fish at the Oistins fish market in Barbados are two such examples. Other smaller establishments that have held its own over generations are the Tiffany's café in Berlin, which serves the world's best omelette as far as I am concerned, the Sacher café in Vienna with its impeccable range of Sundae's and the Maison Blanc patisserie franchise all over Europe.

Kolkata too has its share of legendary cafés and restaurants. Be it Gol Barir Kosa Mangsho in Shyambazar or the Fowl Cutlet at Chacha's on Bidhan Sarani, people travel from afar to try out these delicacies. And it must be stated that some of these preparations continue to cater to our taste buds in the very same way for years on end. For example the fowl cutlet at Chacha's hotel, somewhat smaller in size now compared to a decade earlier, is still a tad drier compared to the normal run of the mill cutlets available elsewhere. The meat is very finely grated and the outer batter not very thick making it one of the best afternoon snacks available. If you don't prefer to eat meat, as some of us do these days for health reasons, there's Malancha and its famous fish fry. Between Mitra Café and Malancha, you still get the best bhetki fish fry in North Kolkata. The fillet is thick enough to satisfy the palate while the batter smooth enough not to impact the aftertaste. Sprinkle lime juice on the fish fry and try it out with mustard sauce to get a quick trip to heaven.

As a student of Presidency College, the two places I frequented most were the Coffee House and Dilkhusha Cabin, both on College Street. Trips to Coffee House was courtesy my teacher, Professor Subhas Ranjan Chakrabarty, one of the best teachers I have had in my life. It had almost become a ritual to go to the coffee house with Subhasbabu and try out the chicken kabiraji on offer. The size may have suffered over the years but the taste remains the same. The aroma coming out of the hot kabiraji does its bit in enhancing the appetite and the first bite literally melts into the mouth leaving a lasting aftertaste. The slightly salty zing that the kabiraji leaves behind is enough to inspire a connoisseur to make it back a second time. A similar sensation awaited me at Dilkhusha and I vividly remember the first trip back to my favourite jaunt while on a research trip back home. After days of bland continental food, it was sheer bliss.

Other local delicacies that will make it to my Kolkata afternoon food guide include the Moghlai Paratha at Anadi Cabin and the Hinger Kachiri near Dharmatala. I must confess I haven't had the time to go back to Anadi Cabin in sometime but that doesn't impact upon my memories of the Moghlai. The aloor tarkari that accompanied the Moghlai was just out of this world and left me licking my lips after the last drop of gravy had been devoured. The onions in the Moghlai are perfectly done, not overcooked that is, making it a trip every bit worth the money spent. Also, the Moghlai is one item that is not available in any other Indian city making it a true Kolkata delicacy. And the Hinger Kachuri and Gulab Jamun at the roadside eatery near Dharmatala is the best meal possible on a tight budget. The mass of humanity that continues to frequent the place is testimony to its lasting popularity.

Importantly, each of the places mentioned here serve food distinct in taste. For example, the kosha mangsho at Gol Bari is slightly darker in colour and a tinge sweeter than most other places serving kosha mangsho making it a signature dish. The same applies for the Fish Fry at Malancha and Mitra Café. While there are the clubs and five star hotels, most of these little eateries have managed to preserve their loyal clientele making them key members of Kolkata's food heritage.

To round off a food tour of College Street, one must mention sharbat at Paramount. Drinking Green Mango with Cream at Paramount while spending some incredibly intense days at Presidency College will forever remain a cherished memory. While some might find the sharbat a little too sweet, for me it was perfect. It had the taste of the place where I belong, a place I consider my very own.

 

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A Blot on the Indian diaspora

Dileep Padgaonkar
05 May 2013, 03:11 PM IST

The saga of the Gupta family in South Africa resonates with the enchanting flourishes of a fairy-tale. The three brothers – Ajay, Rajesh and Atul -  migrated to the country a decade ago just as it was transiting from the apartheid regime to a multi-racial, democratic one. In this brief period the brothers built a multi-billion business empire. It includes the influential New Age newspaper, a computer company and a controlling stake in a uranium mining enterprise.

A toast of the Indian community, the Guptas cast their lot with the ruling African National Congress and, in the bargain, developed powerful connections with the emerging black political and bureaucratic elites. They were known to be especially close to President Jacob Zuma. Along the way, they established close ties with prominent politicians in India, and particularly in Uttar Pradesh.

Back home, during the jamborees held by New Delhi to reach out to the Indian diaspora, the Guptas were heralded as role models. They had demonstrated their business acumen in an alien environment with unmatched flair even as they had held steadfast to their religious and cultural traditions. It is their wealth and their adherence to these traditions that they planned to flaunt at the marriage of their niece, Vega, to the India-based Akash Jahajgarhia.

No expenses were to be spared to celebrate what the South African media called the 'wedding of the century.' All the rooms at Sun City - an exclusive leisure resort located not far from Johannesburg – were booked for guests who would be flown in chartered planes. The guest list, the local media reported, included the cream of South Africa's political and business worlds. Heading the list was none other than President Zuma.

Kathakali dancers from Kerala, Rajasthani musicians and a phalanx of Bollywood stars were in attendance to entertain them. Cooks from India  prepared an array of Indian delicacies. As is customary in traditional Indian weddings, the celebrations were spread over four days. The finale was even more spectacular: the newly-weds floated in an imitation Roman bath on a pontoon constructed across a pool to greet the guests.

All this was akin to a reverie of a kind that South Africa had never witnessed before.  The opulence on display in a country still wracked with poverty did provoke a sneer in liberal and left-wing circles. But this did not detract from the sheer scale and colour of the festivities. The Gupta brothers achieved what they sought to achieve: to celebrate their business success, prove their political clout and, above all, drive home the richness and diversity of a resurgent India's ancient traditions.

Or so they assumed until the script went abruptly awry. In the midst of the gaiety, media reports revealed that the plane the Gupta brothers had chartered to ferry some 200 guests from India – an Airbus A330 - had landed at the restricted and high-security Watkerkloof Air Force Base. This facility was provided only to military officials and foreign dignitaries. The Gupta rushed to explain that they had been given permission for the plane to land at the base. But officials of the concerned government agencies – including the defence ministry – denied that the permission had not been sought, let alone granted.

But that was only the beginning of the troubles that awaited the Guptas. Questions were raised about the propriety of the decision of the South African National Police Service to provide a VIP escort to guests to go from the airport to Sun City. Then there was a report – swiftly denied by the Guptas – that the hosts did not want black staff of the resort to serve the guests. Charges of racism flew thick and fast.

The South African government quickly slipped into a damage control mode. It ordered a probe into the lapses. Heads of several police and military officials rolled. A probe was ordered to determine, among other things, if the Indian High Commission had brought pressure to bear on South African officials to allow the chartered plane to land at the air force base. And President Zuma cancelled his appearance at the wedding.

However, for the opposition parties and for large sections of the media in South Africa, Guptagate carries another message altogether: the nexus between the corporate world, politicians of the ruling ANC and senior official across the board. Whether the conclusions reached by the probe Zuma has ordered will ever get to the bottom of things is a moot point. The Guptas have twice in the past landed their helicopters in areas that are out-of-bounds and got away with the transgressions. But make no mistake: the big fat Indian wedding they held is going to be a blot on their boast that they are upholders of Indian entrepreneurship and India's cultural traditions. They are much like their counterparts back home who are purveyors of that ostensible elixir.

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Jest a minute

Narayani Ganesh
05 May 2013, 11:42 AM IST

Recently, in what is reportedly nothing more than an urban legend, Australia banned Santa Claus characters from saying 'Ho-ho-ho' loudly at public places as it was "scaring children" who are only used to 'Ha-ha-ha'! Well, if you think that's funny, here's what the Finnish people say, and Finland is supposed to be the official home of Santa Claus, up there in the Arctic Circle in a small town called Rovaniemi: "Santa doesn't say Ho ho ho – he says  Hey hey hey!" The difference in vowel would seem to hardly matter, the point being that the sound rises up from one's belly as laughter or mirth. The idea is to express the happiness and joy we feel, especially during festive occasions – take or leave a few ho's and ha's!

Why do we laugh? And why is it that this ability (to laugh) is the exclusive privilege of humans? The laughing hyena doesn't really laugh; it earned the moniker on account of all the high-pitched shrieking and maniacal laughing sounds that the spotted hyenas generate as they feast on carcasses – "so much at such times that a superstitious person might really think all the inhabitants of the infernal regions had been let loose," wrote Alfred Brehm in the nineteenth century. (Here's a non-sequitur about hyenas while we're on the subject: The International Union for Conservation of Nature has listed the species as being of 'least concern' as opposed to 'most endangered' – because they are to be found in large numbers and no one pays them any special attention).

To come back to laughter and thence to humour, the unwritten rule, as frequently pointed out by humour writer Jug Suraiya, is that you don't make fun of those who are less privileged than you are. To do so would not only be downright rude and unfeeling, it would also reflect poorly on you. All else is kosher, from lampooning politicians (the more exalted the person's status, the more he lends himself to being the butt of jokes) and poking fun at peer groups to cracking dark jokes and performing stand-up comedies, as long as it makes you laugh without being wicked and hurtful.

Perhaps the repeated reminders given by gurus, masters and life coaches on the need for us to be grateful for our lives as human beings is not only because we are supposed to have intellect, but also because we can joke about ourselves and look upon existence, too, as one big coc parody.

Nowhere is our love of laughter more visible than in internet and SMS slang as in LOL (laughing out loud), ROTFL (rolling on the floor laughing) and usage of emoticons and smileys that come in a range of expressions from grins and chuckles to guffaws and wink-winks. And the return of gallows humour -- dark or black humour -- that makes light of grave situations is to be welcomed as respite from an otherwise dreary and involuted view of life.

If death is imminent, it is far more pleasant to die laughing than to leave behind a trail of sad memories that plunges everyone into depression. And in order to be able to do this, we need to deposit happy memories into our memory banks and those of others' as well, drawing from the innings we make in our daily lives.

So here's to Madan Kataria, the Mumbai-based physician who started the business of assigning a special day for laughter while promoting it as a good way to experience wellness. But let's not reserve our smiles for just this one day of the year – if laughter is infectious, this is one 'affliction' Dr Kataria would be happy to let proliferate, 365 days of the year!

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The terrorism effect

Santosh Desai
05 May 2013, 03:05 PM IST

Last week this column examined the growing demand for the death penalty in the country. This demand seems to be part of a larger movement towards more muscular responses to provocations, in this country and beyond. The reaction to the counterattack on Pakistani prisoner Sanaullah Haq following the murderous assault on Sarabjit is another example; there is an implicit as well explicit approval of the action in many quarters, in line with a larger feeling that 'something needed to be done'. In theory, it is easy to accept that two wrongs do not make a right, but there is a popular belief that such actions are justified particularly when provocations 'cross a limit'. 

The growing legitimacy of a brutal form of retributive justice has many reasons behind it. The role of media is clearly significant for it serves to frame events in an attempt to create of being surrounded by a web of conspiracies as well as give rescale events to larger-than-life size. High pitched rhetoric and a defensive form of intemperateness becomes the default option. The idea of 'zero tolerance' becomes attractive regardless of the fact that it is often located in a misplaced sense of strength. Also it is easy to forget that the flip side of zero-tolerance is infinite intolerance. Every crime that outrages us needs to attract the death penalty and every action from the other side that is deemed provocative merits a pre-emptive strike.

The other reason why we hear the louder baying for blood is that there is a need for clarity and firm direction, qualities that are increasingly striking absent from the performance of this government. We try and make up for its floundering by presenting an exaggerated form of 'off-with-his-head' clarity, as if our extremism will compensate for the weakness of our official actions. The deep fear that 'they are strong and purposeful and we are weak and lack resolve' translates into an overheated desire to communicate strength by acting decisively and spectacularly.

But there is another factor that drives this return to an almost medieval need for retribution. The rise of terrorism has changed the rules of the game in a way that is fundamental. Terrorism in its modern form bypasses our understanding of crime, violence and self-interest in a way that leaves us helpless. As an event, it lacks the natural rhythm or shape that other crises possess. Unlike a war, which is preceded by much sabre-rattling and visible preparations, a terrorist attack comes out of the blue and often for no discernible reason. In the past terrorist action was linked to a specific cause and sought a specific outcome that served a purpose that could be understood concretely, today's actions come from a vague sense of disaffection and seek very little in return. The attacks are increasingly delinked from any set expectations one might have about who the targets might be or for what particular reason a specific action or target was selected. Anyone can, in theory be attacked anywhere at any time, without any sense of discrimination.

The fear spread by terrorism is irrational because acts of terrorism themselves operate from outside the framework of conventional rationality. By putting as much at stake as their lives, and wanting nothing specific in return, terrorists make the idea of an appropriate or proportionate response irrelevant. The fear evoked knows no bounds, nor can it grasp at anything concrete. The sense that one is always being targeted but for no specific reason and that too by someone faceless  leads to a search for concrete sources of threat, for some sign that terrorism can be tamed into some form of predictability, giving rise to use of indiscriminate labels, profiling of communities(often incorrectly confusing one for another)  and a greater tolerance for victimising the innocent in the name of a larger, legitimate cause of protecting oneself. Self-preservation increasingly justifies actions that were till recently seen as inhuman- torture, pre-emptive killings, the elimination of criminals through encounters etc.

Terrorism attacks the very idea of cause and effect, of benefit and cost, of an exchange of mutually beneficial acts of reciprocation. We depend on everyone to act in way that is consonant with their interests; we abhor crime, but understand why it exists for most part. But to try and make sense of someone who blows random people up in the name of a cause at great risk to their selves and without any recompense but that of the act alone is exceedingly difficult. The recent Boston marathon bombings underline the unique kind of anxiety that terrorism evokes- of a faceless enemy with a nameless agenda, someone who makes what seems like a very trivial point with devastating brutality.

The Boston bombings also reveal the power of the word 'terrorism' as Michael Cohen of the Guardian pointed out. He argues that  'Americans seemingly place an inordinate fear on violence that is random and unexplainable and can be blamed on "others" – jihadists, terrorists, evil-doers etc' while accepting other horrific forms of violence (Gun violence killed 30,000 people last year in the US, while terrorism killed 17, as he points out). But this is not an American reaction alone. The Indian reaction to terrorism follows a similar pattern and is made more complex by a frustrating sense of helplessness at the bumbling efforts to government to anticipate and tackle acts of terror.

The real bomb planted under the seat of civilisation is the idea of terrorism. It forces us to react in inhuman ways in the name of self preservation and legitimises shows of strength that know no boundaries. In our imagination, terrorism is potentially infinite  as an idea and hence our reaction to it must travel beyond our imagination of what we are capable of.  The acceptance of extra-civilisational methods to curb fear seems to be spilling over into other arenas of life. Modern terrorism has recalibrated our right of right and wrong  and of what is civilised and what is not. Perhaps terrorism's greatest success is that it makes it human to act in an inhuman way.

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Republic of proxystan: Bill and coo, kill and Woo

Chidanand Rajghatta
04 May 2013, 11:32 AM IST

Husain Haqqani, Pakistan's former ambassador to the US, recently suggested that the two countries sever their alliance. Is a 'break-up' even possible and will the election change anything?

What is the secret of Pakistan's hold on the United States that Washington slumbers over its reckless nuclear proliferation and its unceasing sponsorship of terrorism? 

The story goes that when Pakistan's founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah, who had never been to the US (neither had Gandhi or Nehru at that time), wanted to choose an ambassador to the US, he picked Mirza Abol Hassan Ispahani, one of the initiators of the Pakistan movement who had toured the United States in the mid-1940 s to drum up support for an independent Muslim state. In a November 1946 letter to Jinnah, Ispahani explained what he knew of the American psyche. "I have learnt that sweet words and first impressions count a lot with Americans," he wrote. "They are inclined to quickly like or dislike an individual or organisation." 

Ispahani and his successor Mohammed Ali Bogra, who would go back to become Pakistan's prime minister, worked relentlessly to bring Washington and Karachi (which was then Pakistan's capital) closer, according to a recent account by Husain Haqqani, till recently Islamabad's envoy to Washington (and Ispahani's son-in-law ). Jinnah gave several interviews to US journalists, the best known of them was Life magazine's Margaret Bourke-White, who also chronicled Gandhi's life. "America needs Pakistan more than Pakistan needs America," Jinnah bragged to her. "Pakistan is the pivot of the world, the frontier on which the future position of the world revolves." 

Like many Pakistani leaders after him, Jinnah's bluster was aimed at persuading the US to pour money and arms into Pakistan. And Bourke-White, like many Americans after her, was skeptical, writes Haqqani. She sensed that behind the bluster was insecurity and a "bankruptcy of ideas... a nation drawing its spurious warmth from the embers of an antique religious fanaticism, fanned into a new blaze." Bourke-White was prescient in her analysis, but that did not prevent Washington from falling headlong for Pakistan, helped to a great extent by Delhi's sense of self-importance. 

At that time, India was clearly favoured rising star on the US firmament even though its ally Britain entertained misgivings. In some of the lesser-known chapters of US-India history, the founding director of the CIA, Allen Dulles, had lived in Allahabad in the late 1920s as a young man learning Sanskrit and teaching English, and had befriended Nehru and his sister Vijayalakshmi Pandit. Much later, a young American diplomat named Tom Reiner, who had gone to Birla House for a Gandhi Darshan in his first week of a Delhi posting, had physically apprehended Nathuram Godse after he shot the Mahatma. From Gandhi's own correspondence with Ford to Martin Luther King's idolising of the Mahatma, the personal connections and dynamics between India and US were all incredibly positive. 

Nehru himself visited the US in 1949 with his young daughter Indira to meet President Truman, seeking aid for a famineprone country during meetings that were described as warm and cordial. There were expectations of greater US-India engagement despite Nehru's well-known socialist proclivities. But Nehru didn't conform to Washington's expectations, charting an independent course for India, and in US eyes, gravitating to the Soviet orbit, infuriating Truman and Allen Dulles' brother, the Cold War architect, John Foster Dulles. 

By contrast, Pakistan played ball, and in fact, went on to become, in Husain Haqqani's view, "a rentier state". In fact, Haqqani used even more colourful language to describe his country's way of handling America. He liked it to "a nation of rug merchants," who would start by asking for the moon, but would settle for a dismal price, never letting a customer walk out of the shop without a sale. Another time, according to Bob Woodward's Obama's Wars, he compared Pakistan to a woman who is being wooed by man. "We all know what he wants from her, right?" Woodward cites Haqqani as saying. "But she has other ideas. She wants to be taken to the theater. She wants that nice new bottle of perfume. If you get down on one knee, and give the ring, that's the big prize." 

The big prize is supposed to be recognition of Pakistan's nuclear status and a nuclear deal on par with what India's obtained. This is the prize that some Pakistan experts like Georgetown University's Christine Fair are now suggesting, in return for Islamabad giving up its jihadi assets. Not even Pakistani fingerprints in terrorism directed against US — from Daaod Gilani aka David Headley to Times Square bomber Faisal Shahzad to Samir Khan, whose terrorist magazine inspired the Tsarnaev brothers to build their homemade bomb — has persuaded the bargain hunters to call off that gambit. 

In Delhi's eyes, appeasement and buyouts, which they fear is the new Secretary of State John Kerry's preferred approach, just won't work. You can give the Pakistanis all the bargains they seek, surmises a senior Indian intelligence official, but they will not give up their jihadi card: They see it as an essential part of their survival kit. Even Fair, whose knowledge of Pakistani perfidy over the decades is unusual in a town of short-term memories and plans, seems to think that the time for bargaining is running out. "Pakistan has been able to monetise its insecurity by extorting funds from the international community based upon the argument that it is too dangerous to fail," she wrote in a recent Time article. "The United States should also be prepared to let Pakistan fail." 

Haqqani himself, a persona non-grata in Islamabad and unlikely to return to his home country any time soon, seems to have given up on Pakistan and its record of fractured ties with the US. "Given this history of failure, it is time to reconsider whether the US-Pakistani alliance is worth preserving," he writes in a recent Foreign Affairs essay titled 'Breaking Up Is Not Hard To Do'. "Once Pakistan's national security elites recognise the limits of their power (without US support), the country might eventually seek a renewed partnership with the US — but this time with greater humility and an awareness of what it can and cannot get." No one is betting that the election results — whichever way it goes — will change anything.

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2014 Elections: A strategy for the people

V Mahalingam
04 May 2013, 01:23 PM IST

The founding fathers of the nation or the architects of the constitution had perhaps never in their wildest of dreams imagined that the Indian democratic system would one day become a forged democracy. The Constitution envisages the people of the country electing their representatives to the Lok Sabha. The largest political party in the Lok Sabha in turn was expected to choose their leader to be appointed as the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister was to nominate his council of Ministers from amongst his party MPs and those amongst the coalition partners based on his perception of the capabilities and experience of the elected representatives. That was all well said. But have we as a country stood by the spirit of the constitution?

The maladies

No one today can fight an election without money and muscle power. A common man can only be a voter and never a candidate in the system. It will always be the chosen rich or the powerful that would represent you in the highest body of democracy. Candidates being nominated for a price or because they belong to a particular caste, religion, ethnic group or linguistic considerations are the norms. This is particularly disturbing as Indian people value secular democracy free from divisive and partisan influences. Qualifications, experience, capabilities and character of individuals have very little impact in the present muddy and opaque system of selection of candidates. After the votes are cast, the voters are forgotten and even despised.

As for the choice of the Prime Minister, for the better part of our history since independence, individuals have been nominated by a family or a family member thrown at you. In some cases, individuals have been propped up by power brokers and dropped like a ton of bricks when it did not suit some. In all, the country has been led up the garden path by a corrupt political system that has been manipulated by exploiting the poverty and naivety of the poor and the uninformed. Going by the revelations made by Radia tapes, the perception that business interests, power brokers and powerful individuals influence the nomination of cabinet ministers is not entirely wrong. The Prime Minister of India today has been reduced to a mere rubber stamp.

The present system cannot be changed now as the elections are around the corner. Even otherwise the coterie of vested interests would not change or allow any changes to be brought about. The fate of the Lok Pal Bill and the way the proposal for an independent CBI was edged out proves the point.

Unprincipled scramble for alliance with the majority party after the elections to grab power and associated benefits are the models. Parties shifting affiliations midway for unethical considerations, questions in the parliament being posed for a price and members voting on issues of national importance for monetary considerations are just a few maladies of the system which people are aware of.

Under the circumstances, the voter has to learn to work within the tweaked system to elect a Government that would work for the betterment of the people. India needs a Government which will perform and towards the common man's interests. The rural and the urban class definitely deserve a better treatment and quality of life.

The choices available to a voter boil down to voting for a political party or for an individual as a Prime Minister based on his known credentials. Irrespective of the choice, the political party chosen or the party which the Prime Ministerial candidate represent need to get a minimum of 200 seats to be able to form the Government. Having seen coalition Governments function under constant threat of being brought down by its allies for partisan considerations, the people may well go in for a single party government with absolute majority.

Which of the two options should the people choose? Voting for a political Party or for the political party which the preferred Prime Ministerial (PM) candidate represents?

The Political party option

The present UPA Government consisting of the Congress Party and its allies has proved a disaster. The so called "coalition dharma" has proved to be an "adharma" to the nation, opening up the gateway to corruption and nepotism. The peoples' sufferings have been ignored. The Government and the elected representatives have remained mute spectators even when as basic a need as drinking water was inaccessible to the common man. On the contrary, in the name of constructing dams for improving the water situation in the state, crores have been swindled by the political class in connivance with the bureaucracy. Law and order situation in the country has become unmanageable. Our political class has abetted to refashion a Gandhian society into a sick one, where not a day passes without a rape being reported. The Police and the bureaucracy are out of control. India's mineral wealth has been squandered to benefit a few. The environment around us including the rivers continues to remain filthy even after crores of rupees having been spent for cleaning them up. The power situation is no better. Industrial units have no option but to have captive power supply at huge costs to run their shop floors. No one seems to be worried about illegal immigration from across the borders or for that matter with uncontrolled population growth threatening a population explosion of unprecedented magnitude. Agriculture and the state of the rural population are pathetic. Even in matters military and foreign affairs the Government is paralyzed to the extent of compromising on India's sovereignty.  The list is endless.

Is the BJP led alliance any better? Though their record of misdeeds has been relatively less, probably because of limited opportunities, have they shown any resolve to eliminate corruption?  The Karnataka example of squandering the mineral wealth and above all exporting the plunder to China has no parallel. Though they shout endlessly about the Bofors scandal or the Bhopal tragedy victims, they have done very little while in power to bring these issues to their logical conclusion. Similar is the case with black money, Lok Pal, reforms such as the electoral, police, judicial, freeing CBI from the clutches of the Government etc. The people have not forgotten the Bangaru Laxman episode, Petrol Pump and Gas Agency allotment Scam or the Jain Hawala case. Fundamentalist threats to Christians in Orissa and the demolition of Babri Maszid are fresh in the minds of the people.  Will they change at least now if voted to power? Above everything else they seem to be having a leadership struggle within the party.

The AAM admi party sounds and seems genuine. It however lacks the organizational set up to garner sufficient seats to form a government. Some of the individuals in the party appear to be authentic, knowledgeable and it may well be a good idea to have a fair numbers of them in the opposition or as coalition partners if forced. Their performance in the Parliament can provide a good insight into their vision and genuineness for the future. The party is worth being initiated at this stage into the country's political arena. 

Voting for regional parties has till date not proved beneficial for governance at the Center. Such voting pattern has gone on to split votes forcing formation of coalition governments.  A clear mandate to a single party and single party governance monitored by effective opposition is likely to provide effective and progressive governance.

The PM option

BJP's Narendra Modi has done much better than any other political party or individuals in the state of Gujarat in terms of generating job opportunities and improving the quality of life to its people. There have not been any major corruption charges against him individually or within the state. Given the fact that he has survived the hawk eyes of the opposition within the state and the center, one is tempted to believe that he is clean. He has shown his firmness in handling political power brokers and the bureaucracy. People of the state grant him the credit for running a relatively efficient and responsive government. He has won the state elections thrice continuously indicating the approval of the people. He does appear to be leadership material worth giving a chance. Yes the Gujarat riots haunt him. He has however not been indicted by any court for his complicity in the affair till now.

Narendra Modi's story will be incomplete if we ignore the opposition criticism that he is authoritarian in his ways. No one has however come out with any specific instance of his authoritarianism till now to enable proper evaluation of this trait and how it affects governance or democratic values. Refusing to accede to the illegitimate demands of the people, acting against the wrong doings of party colleagues or coalition partners, demanding timely and efficient action from his ministerial colleagues, the bureaucracy or police, coming down heavily against corruption are part of the democratic ethos and do not come under the category of authoritarianism. Doing what is good for the people and the country is what democracy all about and it is its ultimate goal. All indications point to Narendra Modi demanding efficiency and accountability which even though may sound harsh to the Indian public who are used to inefficiency and corruption is a good trait which today's India needs very badly.

UPA's Rahul Gandhi has himself rejected proposals for being appointed the PM of the country. Why have an unwilling horse run the race? His educational qualifications, experiences in governance are very limited. He has indeed gone about doing party work in UP during the recent elections. His infrequent utterances and speeches in various forums do not reveal any exceptional vision for the country or the people of the country. Yes he belongs to the Gandhi family and will get the full support of the Congress power brokers in managing the party affairs. The 1984 anti-Sikh riots is indeed a major blotch to the image of the Congress Party and he cannot absolve himself of the gilt so long as the guilty remain unpunished and continue to thrive under the party.

As for Dr Manmohan Singh the current PM who has staked a timid claim for the post, the least said the better. He has failed to show any leadership quality in all these years as the PM.  The country has had enough of him. I do not think that the country would like to gamble the stakes of Governance for the third time at his hands.

The Choice

Looking dispassionately, the country needs a change very badly. Going by past record of political parties, once voted to power they are usually back to their old ways irrespective of their promises or experiences. An individual may be a better option.

At least as a trial it may be a good idea to go in for a Government based on a leader who is decisive, firm and with a vision. Not that the suggestion will be a perfect solution but we may try it out. It is for the people to make their choice of the leader based on the demonstrated performance and experience of the available candidates within the existing system. I am again emphasizing on the word existing system because, India has any number of honest individuals with great leadership qualities capable of steering the country to its glory which it rightly deserves. But in our system there are no way such talents and capabilities can be put to use at the national level.

It is time social workers, organizations and prominent people like Anna Hazare go down to villages and educate the people so that voters' power is utilized for the benefit of the people and the country.

Conclusion

The country can no longer tolerate corrupt politicians with criminal background designing laws for us. The old and the tired legislators need to give way for the young and those of the present generation. Routine standard responses to grave situations and issues of national importance no linger impress people. The country has been deceived enough by feeding on divisive stories and issues such as secularism, fascist forces, religion, caste, language etc.

If we fail to make use of the next general elections to bring about the much needed transformation, India runs the risk of becoming a failed state under a fake democracy.

The answer is change, new faces and a PM of peoples' choice.

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Black suits, backless cholis and climate change

Sartorial inequality between the genders contributes to  climate change. When it comes to formal dressing, women tend to cover themselves lightly, if not minimally, while men feel obliged to wear a jacket and a tie, even in the summer warmth of tropical India. When they share the same air-conditioned room, another sort of gender inequality ensures the temperature is kept at a level that makes suited men comfortable, even if it leaves the fairer sex covered with goosebumps. 

If the men were to shed a few layers of clothing, the room temperature could be raised by at least 3 degrees centigrade. The power saved on airconditioning across millions of sq ft of built-up space would be a lot. Power saved is carbon-dioxide emissions averted. A little gender equality, combined with a little daring in re-imagining formal attire in warm climates, would go a long way in reducing the energy spent on cooling interiors. This, of course, is not a novel idea. Junichiro Koizumi, Japan's prime minister during 2001-2006, asked Japanese men to shed their suits and went around in shirt sleeves. It took the Fukushima disaster and subsequent power shortages for the idea to gain real traction. 

India has a little less than 1,000 million sq ft of Grade A built-up public space. It breaks up something like this: Office space: Grade A 360 million sq ft; Grade B 360 million sq ft. IT campuses: 100 million sq ft. Retail Malls: Grade A80 million sq ft. Hotels: 24 million sq ft. Total: 924 mn sq ft. 

The power needed to cool this space for an average of eight hours a day for 120 days a year is roughly 8,574,720,000 kwh. The corresponding emission of carbon-dioxide is roughly 650,000 tonnes, at the rate of 0.70555 tonnes per 1,000 kwh. Assume air-conditioned spaces are kept 15 degrees below the temperature outside on average. Suppose shedding extra layers of male clothing will allow the temperature inside to go up 3 degrees. That means a 20% savings in power and carbon-dioxide emissions. Even a 10% saving would still avoid nearly 65,000 tonnes of carbon-dioxide. 

Of course, women can close the gender gap in air-conditioning temperatures without men stripping for climate change. They can ape the men and swap their present gossamer fabrics or backless cholis for the formal jacket and trousers. Your choice, gentlemen.

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Debar criminals from contesting elections

Minhaz Merchant
03 May 2013, 01:55 PM IST

In this Sunday's Karnataka assembly election, according to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), the six major parties have fielded 220 candidates with criminal charges against them. The biggest culprit is the Congress – 25% of its candidates face criminal charges. The JDS (22%), Yeddyurappa's KJP (22%) and the BJP (21%) follow closely behind.

In the Lok Sabha, as many as 162 MPs face criminal charges; 76 of these are serious charges including rape, murder and kidnapping. And yet almost every major political party gives criminals tickets to contest elections. If 31% of our lawmakers are alleged lawbreakers, is it any wonder that laws in India – from rape to murder – are so poorly enforced?

Clearly the political-electoral system needs to be cleaned up. The Election Commission (EC) recently decided enough was enough. After years of prevarication it has finally given notice to the government to "immediately debar from contesting elections convicted persons as well as those against whom charges of heinous crimes have been framed by a court of law."

A day before the EC's "demand", the Supreme Court had come down heavily on the "preferential treatment" meted out to MPs and MLAs. Under the current law, no convicted person can stand for election. But an MP or MLA who is subsequently convicted of a crime can continue in office till his or her appeal is finally dispensed with (which can take decades) as long as the appeal is filed within 90 days of conviction. 

The EC wants all candidates facing court-framed charges, which on conviction carry a sentence of more than five years, to be debarred from contesting elections. "Convictions," says a source in the EC, "should no longer be necessary for debarring. We want disqualification of court-charged candidates before they are given a ticket to contest."

Will the government sip from what could be a poisoned chalice? Not till public opinion – and heavy election defeats – compel it to. A 20-month-old proposal by the law ministry to amend the Representation of Peoples Act, 1955, has been quietly buried.

The law ministry's draft covered criminal offences carrying jail terms of more than five years as well as corruption charges, provided the chargesheet was filed against the candidate at least a year before the relevant election.

The excuse political parties trot out against the proposed amendment to debar criminals from electoral politics is as old and tired as it is bogus – viz, that most such criminal charges are politically motivated and spuriously filed by opposition rivals.

The argument is bogus because the new amendment would debar only those candidates with a court-framed chargesheet for crimes that carry a prison sentence of more than five years. When a magistrate frames charges it implies that "judicial mind" has been applied to the case, taking full account of political motives and the gravity of the alleged crime.

Debarring such candidates from contesting elections is thus a fair and effective means of decriminalising our parliament and state legislatures.

Political parties have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. Under the guise of "winnability", they pick candidates with muscle or money power and caste, regional or religious affiliations. How can we force change on a system where the rot has spread deep and wide?

The threat to disqualify criminally-charged candidates is a necessary first step. The Supreme Court must follow up its observation to order the government to amend the 58-year-old Representation of Peoples Act in accordance with the Election Commission's demand. Lacking constitutional authority, the EC cannot force change on the government without the Supreme Court's decisive intervention.

One further step is essential. If a party, in defiance of the amended law, gives a ticket to a candidate with a court-framed chargesheet, the party should by law be disallowed from contesting that seat in the relevant election. If it repeats the offence in another seat, the party should be de-recognised by the Election Commission.

The EC today has the power to de-recongnise but not de-register a political party. It must be given that additional statutory power in order to police parties more effectively.

Only when they are faced with automatic de-registration will political parties stop giving tickets to candidates like the 220 men and women who, despite facing criminal charges, will contest the Karnataka assembly election this Sunday.

Follow @minhazmerchant on twitter

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The World’s 50 best restaurants…snapshots

Rashmi Uday Singh
03 May 2013, 05:17 PM IST

Stop press. This is it. It doesn't get any bigger or brighter than this. The world's foodies, gourmets, gourmands have all been waiting with bated breath for the announcement of these globally prestigious 'The World's 50 best restaurants awards 2013'. And now here in London, even the fickle weather gods are bestowing sunny, blue skies as superstar chefs jet in from all over the world to attend the award ceremony. It takes place in the historic, high-ceilinged Guildhall which resounds with standing ovations, thunderous applause and lights up with a zillion camera flash bulbs as the event is live-streamed all over the world.

In it's eleventh year, these awards were instituted by the highly respected London-based Restaurant magazine of the Reed brothers and now, director Sue Woodward, editor William Drew, publisher and executive director Tim Brooke-Webb have been masterminding and driving this event.

As chairperson of the India and subcontinent region, I have been watching this mega-octane event grow to such an extent that it not only honours restaurants and alters their future but even bolsters culinary tourism to countries, where the award-winning restaurants are located. This February, I attended the hugely successful launch of 'Asia's 50 best restaurants 2013' in Singapore where nine of our Indian restaurants were on the list. Though no Indian restaurant made it to the global list of 2013, India was still very much on top of mind recall. In the short space of this column it's impossible to cover the awards, so I present a quick snapshot (literally too) of photos which I shot at the 'Winners chef lunch' yesterday at the 'Sushi Samba' atop a glass tower with the city swooning in delight below. Instead of eating I buzz around questioning, photographing and getting inspired by these high-flying global icons, yet each one is amazingly down to earth.

The world's best woman chef and Sonia Gandhi
"I send my best wishes to our Italian-born Sonia Gandhi," says the doyenne of Italian cooking, three Michelin-starred Nadia Santini. Crowned the 'World's best woman chef', this soft-spoken and charming chef's traditional cooking is the focus of her restaurant, Del Pescatore. I request the American culinary idol, tall and dapper Eric Ripert to be in the photograph with Nadia and William Drew, the editor of the magazine. Eric has done the impossible – his restaurant, Le Bernadin, has reigned as the best restaurant for the past twenty years in New York and is honoured as 19th best in the world. I've had the most amazing meals in this down to earth TV star's (and follower of His Holiness the Dalai Lama) refined restaurant.

Asia's best restaurant and high on Thai
Yoshihiro Narisawa's  nature focused dishes powered by imagination and sense of drama have pushed his Tokyo restaurant, Narisawa, to the top of Asia's list and 20th on the global one. And the world's finest authentic Thai cooking gets David Thompson's Bangkok-based, Nahm, 32nd on the list.

As we chat with Charles Reed, the group managing director of 'The World's 50 best academy', I ask the chefs what is the secret to good cooking and a great restaurant? 'Heart' and 'love' they say immediately. David adds 'persistence and refusal to be bothered by what others say or think is very important too'.

The world's best restaurant and India
The Spanish Roca brothers rule the world with their family restaurant, El Celler de Can Roca, which knocked the Danish Noma off it's first position. Head chef Joan, with younger brothers – sommelier Josep and pastry chef Jordi – run a formidable temple to gastronomy with welcoming warmth in Girona, Spain. When I ask them what makes a great restaurant, they say, "It must have a message, a story, to tell."

The morning before the awards ceremony I attended their announcement of their about-to-be launched, sensational multi-disciplinary 'gastronomic opera' over breakfast, in which our Zubin Mehta featured prominently. Indian spices are going to play an important part in this gastronomic opera. Jodi has been coming to Kerala regularly and the Roca brothers are inspired by our Indian flavours. The Roca brothers rule 2013, until the 2014 awards come around, but before that,  Sue Woodward, director of the academy has already announced the launching of 'Latin America's 50 best restaurant awards' in September, this year. The excitement is already building up…

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