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Preview: Indian Art Fair 2013: Best sculpture

Written By Unknown on Kamis, 31 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Uma Nair
31 January 2013, 02:38 PM IST

Art from Alphabets by Jaume Plensa

In the year 1999 at Chicago, the Catalan sculptor Jaume Plensa created a work called Whisper. It was made of a large circular bronze plate, string and a stick. Now so many years hence, at the India Art Fair, Gallery Lelong (Paris)  brings Plensa's sculpture of Sappho the American poet. Looking at it is a stunning and stirring experience because Sappho is created from alphabets that have been fused into a latticework frame. But this sculpture is ephemeral and evanescent because you can see through the alphabets even as the work gives us a sense of volume.

Look around at the Art Fair - most sculptures will be predictably heavy and mass filled-even fibre glass works look like huge montrosities but Plensa's work  will stand apart. As a conceptualist Plensa's focus is on the body. "The figurative tradition in monumental sculpture is such a 19th-century idea," said Mary Sabbatino of Galerie Lelong to this critic in 2010 at the Hong Art Fair. "But when you look at Jaume's work, you know it could only have been made in the 21st century." 

Art from Alphabets by Jaume Plensa

Over the last decade Jaume  Plensa has become one of the world's most celebrated  artists for work at public places. He is best known for his monumental figurative sculptures anywhere from Calgary to Dubai. But ask this Barcelona native how he creates his work, which seems to involve feats of technology as well as imagination, and he prefers to talk about music, dreams and poetry. In an interview to the New York Times he is known to have said: "Shakespeare is the best definition of sculpture," quoting the "sleep no more" soliloquy from Macbeth. "You are working always with physical elements. You are always touching, touching. But you can't describe it."

Plensa has come a long way from 1999 when he created Whisper. It is almost as if this work is talking about the power of poets and their dreams because Sappho was the first Western woman poet who was known. This work silences you. You want to stand and take it all in. Years ago at Chicago, Plensa had spoken about silence-and these words hold true even today.

"Silence is desire, a dream, an aspiration, something so unknown and so inaccessible that we can only imagine it... Our silence is noise. Noise is the only bridge between sound and silence, between what we know and what we wish. As soon as all is quiet, when we think we have achieved silence, we discover that something interrupts something as close and familiar as our own body. Our noisy body...I invite you to listen to these noises. I invite you to imagine the slience."

This seated sculpture of the poet Sappho makes us think about silence and eternity-it also makes us wonder about the process and technique that a sculptor arrives at in his mind before he puts it to paper and converts it to reality. Either way at the Indian Art Fair this work tells us that we can take a real everyday person and blend into that human figure an abstract visual language to come up with a work  of universality that cuts through boundaries and nations worldwide. Plensa had once told the Wall Street Journal:" Art should be an echo, a feeling of your heart, a mirror, a container of memory." Sappho will give Indian sculptors and collectors a lesson about the vitality of powerful and poignant public art- not the urban ugliness that lies all around us in the name of art.


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Bangalore blues and Raag Bhayanak

Jayanth Kodkani
31 January 2013, 03:22 PM IST

Orhan Pamuk uses the beautiful Turkish word huzun to portray the state of mind of Istanbul. Huzun has been described as a melancholic state which denotes spiritual loss, but at the same time, entails hope. Even if not so sublime in feeling, many big cities of the world evoke a parallel sense of desire and fear. Mumbai, for many, could be paradisiacal and intimidating at the same time.

Bangalore too has arrived at that station. In its 21st century avatar, it has shed its status as a city of interludes, a place of convenience to which people came to soothe their lives. Till the 1980s, everybody who came saw it as a refuge, a paradise, an alternative enchanted by its greenery and large spaces. Historical records have it that even the British garrison shifted here after the Fourth Mysore War because Srirangapatna was infested with mosquitoes.

At the turn of this century there's nothing unduly magical left in the city, although it remains a sought-after destination in India, thanks to its boom in the information technology sector. The software success story has progressed to broader horizons of innovation, analytics and enterprise. Young India still loves to stay here, even as old Bangaloreans continues to sulk about lost spaces and leisure.

The metamorphosis into a metropolis comes with its share of aspirations and anguish, stress and comfort like in a new package deal. On the exterior it is about crumbling infrastructure, gridlocked roads, agonizingly-long commutes, pollen allergies and the visual pollution of glass-fronted buildings and billboards. In a city where cement mixers roar, sleep comes at a premium. But if a city has to be chronicled through the inner voices or secret histories of its people and their relationships, it might present a bleak picture. Angst is a byproduct of urban development, or indeed, the lack of it.

That anguish has a new name – Raag Bhayanak or Bangalore Bhayanak in Girish Karnad's latest play, "Benda Kaalu on Toast", as voiced by Kunal, a 20-year-old leader of a heavy metal band. Bangalore's complexities and dilemmas form the core of the play and in fact, its title has an implicit comment on its bilingualism and the twin identity of its local-anglicized nature. Baked beans on toast would make for a traditional English meal, but here it also denotes the legend of King Veeraballala who named the place Beantown in appreciation of an old woman who served him baked beans after he had lost his way during a hunting expedition.

Kunal, the "new new" Bangalorean suffers from an acute identity crisis. His very survival may have been in question, and so he mulls over the idea of fusing his version of music with Raag Bhayanak. In Indian music, the rasa bhayanak — which stirs up fear, anxiety, and uncertainty – is believed to be an impossible emotion to arouse. Kunal's torment is one of carving out a fresh path. But there are other characters in the play who form the archetypal cast of the metropolis: a senior citizen who spends money and time at the races; the bored wife of a company honcho who runs a home for terminally-ill patients; the wife of a brigadier who lures people — not for gain but only to show off her connections with the upper crust — into opportunities abroad; a household help and cook who are caught in bitter professional rivalry and a jet-setting corporate boss who isn't seen on stage. They come from different strata of society but have their own mechanisms of battling the pressures Bangalore puts on them. The big city finds them getting into the skin of many roles as if they were juggling frogs, and in the bargain each one defines his own sense of morality. Karnad explains the absence of a linear plot saying it is a tribute to Shudraka's "Mricchakatika" (The Little Clay Cart) which tells several stories about the city of Ujjayini.

Hidden identities, deceptions, complex relationships are all part of life in a metropolis. It's all there in the storyline of Bangalore's big leap.  Equally significant is the inclusion of this narrative in one of India's best playwrights. Literature has begun to map the Bangalorean's stories.


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Amazing. All parties gang up against AIADMK on Kamal Haasan’s Vishwaroopam ban….

Prashant Panday
31 January 2013, 04:08 PM IST

It's amazing what's happening in India these days. It looks like political parties first gauge the public mood, and then decide what stand they should take on issues. Gone are the days when they would take predictable "principled (?)" positions and fall in or out of line with public opinion. We saw this first with the Delhi rape case, where every party demanded the death penalty. Likewise, on the border skirmish with Pakistan, all parties demanded the government take a tough stand. But those were open and shut cases where taking an opposite viewpoint was unthinkable. But now, even on a controversial subject like Kamal Haasan's film, it appears all parties are united. All except AIADMK of course. What's going on??!

All the politics has put Kamal Haasan in trouble. A creative guy, who wants nothing more than to see his film released, and hopefully some profits made, he is having to run from pillar to post just to keep his head above water. In a world in which the first week-end is the only chance a film has of recovering its investments, his film has been canned by the AIADMK Government in TN and then by the HC of the state. While he battles it out, in frustration and anger, the state government has kept him guessing. The AIADMK government's lame duck excuse is that the film could cause a law and order problem. Not even 100 protesters have demanded the movie be shelved; but that's enough for the state government. Out of disgust, Kamal Haasan is contemplating self-exile out of TN, and even India, a la MF Hussain.

The crisis has clearly been fabricated by the AIADMK. It really has nothing to do with the content of the film per se. That is just the excuse. Apparently, it is to do with the fact that Kamal Haasan refused to part with the TV rights to Jaya TV of Jayalalitha, presumably because the channel wanted it for a song. Miffed at this, the party deployed a few Muslims connected with it to lead the charge against the film. Such strong arm tactics is hardly uncommon in Tamil politics.

The matter appears to have united the political parties, making them unlikely bedfellows.

Usually, the Congress would be expected to take a line against the film, considering that it is the Muslims who have taken offence. However, strangely, the party has actually come out in full support of Kamal Haasan. Taking an unusually supportive line on the actor, Information and Broadcasting Minister Manish Tewari has indicated that the government may consider amending the law. He tweeted on Thursday that it's time the Cinematograph Act is revisited to ensure that state governments cannot question a certificate that is once given by the censor board. He tweeted that this is necessary as each state would otherwise be its own censor."

The possible reason for this unusual Congress stance is that Kamal Hasaan is considered close to the party. He is also close to the DMK, which is why the problem has happened in the first place. Not surprising then, the party's support for him; and the attack on the AIADMK government. Through a press statement DMK chief Karunanidhi said, "I know Kamal and Rajnikanth won't hurt the feelings of any religion. Even I don't tolerate anything that is against Muslims. I urge them to hold talks with Kamal Haasan. Also state government should cooperate in maintaining law and order." He further added "Though the Madras High Court judge has suggested an amicable solution, Tamil Nadu government has not taken any initiative," he said writing in the party organ 'Murasoli'.

In a similar vein, criticising the ban on the movie, DMDK (a party that is getting close to the Congress) leader Vijaykanth warned if Jayalalithaa government continued to take 'anti-people' stand, it would face the fury of the people."

The Left parties also took a liberal view, surprising, considering the size of the Muslim population in West Bengal. The state executive council of the CPI(M) asked the ruling AIADMK government in Tamil Nadu to lift the ban for the actor-director Kamal Haasan's fim Viswaroopam, saying it was "morally unjustifiable" to ban a movie after the Censor Board gave its clearance. "The (two-week) ban on the movie by the Tamil Nadu government is legally and morally unjustifiable," CPI(M) state secretary G Ramakrishnan said in a statement here, adding the Supreme Court had in the past observed that it was not right to ban a movie after Censor Board certification.

The BJP took an expected view on the subject, opposing the ban, since the objection to the film came from Muslims, not Hindus. Rajnath Singh has made a statement asking the state government to lift the ban on the film. I wonder why the party wasn't this liberal when Hussain was being targeted by its ranks and when its ally in Maharashtra, Shiv Sena, routinely rampaged other films in Mumbai. As always, the BJP is being opportunistic.

Even the Samajwadi Party (SP) has taken a comparatively mild line, only saying that the party will decide after watching the film. Usually, they would have demanded a ban first, then thought later!

So in a strange way, Kamal Haasan has become a unifier of political parties. All of them are aligned against the AIADMK. Maybe that's what made Jayalalitha soften her stand. And offer to facilitate talks between Kamal Haasan and the Muslim groups.

The real truth is that it's difficult to explain this bizarre alignment of parties against the AIADMK. I would have thought that the Congress would have kept mum or supported the ban; and I would have expected the BJP to remain mum or oppose the ban. But like I said, its truly a bizarre situation!


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Special Chabbis

Written By Unknown on Rabu, 30 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Meeta Kabra
30 January 2013, 04:37 PM IST

I doubt there's anyone who has seen director, Neeraj Pandey's A Wednesday who won't want give Special Chabbis a chance. Despite Akshay Kumar. And of course, Akshay Kumar fans who haven't seen A Wednesday don't need any more credentials to watch Special Chabbis. Well played, I say.

Even if it is a pity that star power is considered essential even by indie filmmakers. The hope now is that Akshay Kumar gets to show that he can actually act when given the opportunity. Unless the Akshay Kumar drama overshadows a fine story that Neeraj Pandey might have at hand.

Also, somehow I can't shake out the Ocean's Eleven feel I get from the title to the trailer, which can take Special Chabbis either way. If it can carry of the glamour and oomph of Ocean's Eleven without letting go of the basic strong story telling and narrative that A Wednesday had, it would be perfect. An extremely difficult balance to strike.

But, like a reader points out in the comments section, if Special Chabbis is even a fraction as engaging as A Wednesday we have a good movie to look forward to. Personally, the Akshay Kumar factor makes it very easy for me to walk in without too many high expectations.

Music Reviews:
Apun Ka Choice - "3/5"
Bollyspice - "3/5"
Bollywood Hungama - "3/5"
koimoi - "3/5"
Milliblog - "The show-stopper is of course Kaun mera; the soft, pensive tune is a delight to hear in 3 voices – Papon, Chaitra and Sunidhi. Special Kreem!"
Music Aloud - "7.5/10"


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ABCD Anybody Can Dance

Meeta Kabra
30 January 2013, 06:55 PM IST

Kay Kay Menon! Oooooh...playing a dance teacher? Wow, really? Oh maybe that's what they mean by 'anybody can dance'. Or maybe he's just playing the dance company's manager. I have hardly ever seen Kay Kay Menon dance, but if he's really playing a dance teacher/choreographer I am already waiting to watch the film.

This is despite the fact, the good vs evil seems to be very clear in the trailer itself. Either that is damn good character establishment or the epitome of predictability. So, this must be one of the very few times that a movie interests me even though the story seems to be a run-of-the-mill one, this once an underdog competition one. Other than the presence of Kay Kay Menon, the credit goes to watching people dance for two hours. The music seems to be widely appreciated as you can see below. Also, I absolutely loved the last dance sequence in F.A.L.T.U which was also directed by Remo D'Souza.

Interestingly, the promos at least don't have a prominent lead lady. For a dance film, that seems a little off. I hope it is used to the advantage of the story.

Music Reviews:
Bollyspice - "4/5"
dunkdaft - "ABCD packs a punch that is able to make anybody, dance. "
IBN Live - "4.5/5"


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Come home to Kerala, Kamal Haasan

John Cheeran
30 January 2013, 07:13 PM IST

The only qualification I have to write this is that I have watched Kamal Haasan's controversial film Vishwaroopam. And I found nothing objectionable. All right, I'm not a Muslim. But not a single person in the theatre in Kochi where I watched the movie raised his or her voice against any of the scenes in the movie. So what's the uproar in the neighbouring Tamil Nadu?

Like Kamal himself wondered on Wednesday afternoon, does anyone fear that one movie would knock off the unity of this mighty nation?

Vishwaroopam is not a great movie. But you can form an opinion only if you get a chance to watch it. And very few great movies are made in India. The movie talks about a RAW agent, a practising Indian Muslim, infiltrating a terror group in Afghanistan and foiling a terror plot in New York.

Despite the Madras High Court clearing the way late on Tuesday night, the Tamil Nadu government is determined to stall the screening of Vishwaroopam based on the objections raised by some fringe Muslim organizations. The Union government, however, has made it clear that once the central film censor board clears a movie, then there is no room for any ban.

The irony in Tamil Nadu is more than obvious. The state is ruled by a former Tamil film star and an ardent admirer of India's prime minister-in-waiting, Narendra Modi. The chief minister should have ensured the release of the movie especially when in Kerala and Karnataka it has been running to largely packed houses. Both the states have significant Muslim populations.

The Tamil Nadu government's argument (also of the Muslim organizations) is that the movie would disrupt the law and order situation in the state. But isn't it the duty of the state to maintain the law and order if someone tries to disrupt it?

If Kamal Haasan feels bitter about the cantankerous approach of the Tamil Nadu government and less than expected support from the Tamil film industry, you can't blame him. Rajinikanth made a perfunctory statement and left it at that. The rest of them do not want to go against the reigning deity.

Like Kamal has stated many times, he does not believe in any gods. And the Tamil audience, which usually worships film stars as gods and godesses, does not see Kamal as a person fit to worship.

But Kamal Haasan has no reason to flee from India the way artist M F Husain did. Mercifully, there are still places in the country where you can fulfill your artistic aspirations.

Come home to Kerala, Kamal Haasan.

We will take you in. With or without Vishwaroopam.


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Eggs myths busted!

Written By Unknown on Senin, 28 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Rachna Chhachhi
28 January 2013, 10:51 AM IST

Before you abandon it, read this: One of nature's most perfect foods may be even better for us than previously thought.

Myth 1: Egg is equal to cholesterol!
Reality: Eggs are an excellent source of proteins, lipids, vitamins and minerals, and high in folate, which helps makes blood in the body. Researchers at the University of Alberta recently discovered they also contain antioxidant properties, which helps in the prevention of cardiovascular disease and cancer. They found the yolks contained two amino acids, tryptophan and tyrosine, which have high antioxidant properties. However, when the eggs are  fried or boiled, antioxidant properties were reduced by about half, and a little more than half if the eggs were cooked in a microwave.

Myth 2: Eggs are fattening!
Reality: At 90 calories, this humble, nutrition-packed handful is extremely useful for those who want to lose weight. A breakfast of one boiled egg and a whole wheat toast increase basal metabolic rate due to the thermogenic (calorie-burning) effects of egg, and stabilise blood sugar, leading to lowered hunger pangs and cravings.

Myth 3: Eggs are heating!
Reality: Egg proteins get converted by enzymes in the stomach and small intestines and produce peptides that act the same way as ACE inhibitors, prescriptions drugs that are used to lower high blood pressure. And peptides can be formulated to help prevent and treat hypertension. Anything that helps lower your blood pressure, cannot be heating, unless you're consuming too many at a time, in which case, even spinach is bad (too much spinach will give you the runs).

Myth 4: If you're working out, eat chicken or whey protein, not egg!
Reality: The egg yolk contains loads of fat soluble vitamins, like A, D, E, K and carotenoids.  These fat soluble vitamins do more things than you could imagine;  boost your immune system, reduce your risk of cancer, keep your bones, teeth and skin healthy, support the thyroid gland, reduce the damaging effects of diabetes, promote healthy growth in children to list a few. The egg yolk contains 99% of the zinc, 90% of the calcium and 95% of the folate.  Astonishing!  (zinc is a crucial mineral for sperm count by the way).  Finally get this, egg whites are touted as the protein part of the egg, which is true.  However, the yolk contains 43% of the total egg protein and balances the amino acid profile of the whole food. Need any more pumping?

Myth 5: Eat it raw!
Reality: Unless you're Rocky Balboa running early in the morning on no feelings, eating raw eggs can make you seriously ill. Contaminated eggs kill up to 5000 individuals each year in the US. One egg in 10,000 is contaminated with salmonella, so you should never eat undercooked eggs, make eggnog on your own or mimic Rocky by swallowing them raw.


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For fewer rapes in India, moral courage is a start

Sucheta Dasgupta
28 January 2013, 11:32 AM IST

Those who would 'sacrifice' liberty for security deserve neither, Benjamin Franklin once said (hard as it is a true sacrifice always involves giving up something of a lesser value for something of a greater one, hence the quotation marks). Yet the rabid fear-mongering in Indian media in reaction to women's rapes puts one off from thinking clearly. Here's a non-conformist's list of five guidelines to stop rapes.

Abolish the code of 'womanly honour' from society. It is patently false, yet the real reason behind most rapes. Hurting the victim's morale and subjecting her to fear of being ostracized — real or otherwise — is the big agenda of the rapist as most rapes today are done in backlash to women's empowerment (liberation). Remember our tradition includes Panch Kanya whose virtue is not compromised even by polyandry. Remember Gatha Saptasati prescribes seven husbands are the "limit to a woman's honesty". But, most importantly, remember it is the straight trees that are cut down first and honest people first face flak, so at least some of these rape victims must be honest as indeed is the case in 'revenge rapes', 'correction rapes' and, by extension, backlash rapes. Remember, real rape occurs only in the unconscious seduction of the victim by the rapist and more on this later. So rethink the stigma; 'asking for it' is a qualified term. (If one is targeted because of her good qualities that make her stand out from others or because she is doing the right thing then it is she who is far closer to the Indian suttee prototype and not the women in purdah 'feeling unsafe'; manifesting Stockholm syndrome.)

According to a not-exactly-obscure Catholic belief infamously reiterated by politician Todd Akin, pregnancy cannot result from 'legitimate rape' as the female body has "ways to shut down the act". Novelist-intellectual Faye Williams has termed this category of contact 'aggravated physical assault'. This idea imputes power and not sexuality as motive to the 'rapist' and holds only a victim pregnant as a consequence to the activity guilty of provocation or possible capitulation.

Corollary: Allow the raped the option to protest undue stigma by coming out with their names. Not naming them and giving them monetary 'compensation' is reinforcing the wrong stereotype and a bad idea. Scrap IPC's Sec 228A.

Corollary2: Groping does not necessarily equal molestation, even of the soul. Law, police and journalists should use a different term for the offence.

Corollary3: Let sexual harassment be termed sexist/gender harassment by the same logic. It will be more accurate in most cases.

Allow women the agency to protect themselves. Recognize true equality of sexes. Allow for eve-olution. Biological determinism as a result of sexual selection has led to men having greater upper body strength and a larger metabolism reducing the scope of a woman's successful self-defence. But a growing body of evidence argues for physical parity between the sexes in terms of greater life expectancy (medical), better immune systems and genetic predisposition to fewer diseases (medical), stronger sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems (medical), greater carrying angle of the arm (Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex), bigger reserves of endurance and energy and lesser proportionate calorie requirement (The Second Sex), proportionately greater lower body strength (John Updike), greater chance of survival under duress (medical) and quicker reflexes (Natalie Angier, Woman: An Intimate Geography) of the woman. Rape is rare in the animal world. Frigidity to unwanted seed is nature's way of ensuring passing on of the best genes. A magazine quotes crime experts postulating that an average unarmed man cannot overpower an average adult woman to the point of sexual subjugation unless there is coercion or blackmail. An Odisha high court judge has based his ruling on this observation. It is reportedly possible to resist rape through transcendental meditation leading to perfect regulation of one's bodily responses as Nun Neelotpala is said to have done in the times of King Bimbisara of Magadha. One rural Bengali aphorism compares a woman's virtue to a Pandora's box-like closed fist that cannot be forced by others but once opened by its owner loses its contents forever. And new crime data in US shows a consistent drop in figures of women's rapes — a combined result of social engineering and women's empowerment. So chillis and martial arts are really redundant. Where there's a will there's a way. Overreactions and uncalled-for hostility owing to lack of real confidence on part of the victim is petty and unfair though deemed 'attractive' because it easily precipitates a situation wherein the victim fights but not hard enough to be effective, is seduced despite themselves and the sex when it occurs is the most enjoyable (Kamasutra). But if one is rational and just-minded one can eschew this behaviour and cultivate faith in self and one's fellow living thing instead. Women living in these anti-physical, technology-overdependent times could do well to take a leaf of the masculist culture of old street gangs.

Redefine modesty. Overdressing, too, is covert immodesty and indicative of a dirty mind. During early days of Islam in the Middle East, female citizens were asked to cover their head and elbows to differentiate themselves from prostitutes leading to the origin of physical hijab – originally meaning grace which is no more than a personal disposition — when it is the prostitutes who should have been the ones asked to cover up if the object was to differentiate them from ordinary folk who require baring for activity, agency and aesthetics. Uphold economic egalitarianism and pay your dues to an unequal society. That will give you the moral courage to face your jealous assailant.

Corollary: Scrap the phrase 'outrage of modesty' from the law books. One's modesty may or may not be outraged by a misogynist slight or an inappropriate touch from a random stranger. On the other hand, words coming from one's own paranoid family may do the trick when they make one feel like a retard unconsciously seeking and vulnerable to some sort of sordid subjugation or gratification. But that again is something too private for the law to act or comment on and should not be a state offence (Some things should stay between individuals or within the family. Neither should the law have a say in deciding presence of sexual chemistry between the parties necessary for the modesty of one of them to have been truly outraged.). Criminal intimidation, though, is a true-blue offence should one choose to file a plaint.

Occupy public space as rightfully yours. Walk at night. Go alone, ditch that mobile. Hike out of town without your purse. (An honest woman's virtue is unimpeachable; some of you, quit putting a monetary value on that virtue which may or may not be in your heart/brain/head/conduct but is certainly not located in your vagina during availing of transport by typically overpaying the operator and then complaining of extortion -- it is quite a reprehensible act.) Explore ideas of assault, reverse rape (Saral Himsa by Bengali author Hasan Azizul Haq published as early as 1981 describes one such instance of frontal gang rape of a man by women as do news reports — Delhi 1999, Sydney 2008 — from time to time) and castration as retaliation/punishment. Solitary confinement after trial is also not a bad idea. Even forgiveness is an option but lessons must be imparted one way or another, examples set or made of. Aim for real respect from your enemy.

Women victims do lack effective social support owing to prevalence of the 'honour' syndrome and male dominance in neighbourhood watering holes though the latter may grant them more social options and greater behavioural flexibility. However, in absence of an effective law, efficient governance and a trustworthy establishment, vigilantism is a good bet.

Afterthoughts: That rape occurs in the unconscious seduction of the victim by the rapist is an argument that has been put forward earlier in this piece. This writer proposes the term parasexual offence to cover most rapes. These rapes are not really sexual in nature as these are driven not by chemistry but class hatred of successful and overtly non-traditional women perceived as a threat to patriarchy; yet the assault takes a sexual or rather sexist form as gender is involved.

As opposed to the 'rape is a rape' argument, all rapes are not the same and, admittedly of course, neither are they all parasexual. That's because the victim may experience forced orgasm -- something that can arguably be regulated emotionally and is hence possibly a sign of the victim's capitulation unless contact is initiated during sleep --- during the act (or may not but it is only orgasm that equals humiliation) and there may have been chemistry – a pointer to possible unconscious invitation on the victim's part, both evidence of sexuality if not guilt or consent. They may even choose to change their mind and partake of the act mid-way. At this level, a medical test or the law is not equipped to distinguish between physical and sexual assault; or rape and 'legitimate rape'/non-rape-and-aggravated assault of one's private parts. But the second category of offences is definitely parasexual in its nature. Reverse rape and castration (in case of accidental pregnancy) can be appropriate punishment in the former case.

True sexual exploitation/abuse is usually protracted and the only among this group of sexual and parasexual offences that likely involves the victim sharing a degree of onus (and guilt and shame) with the perpetrator. But the shame is not everlasting and the victim can always pick up the pieces and move on. Importantly, it's a greater sin or vice to close oneself off to life and learning and friendship for fear of losing one's virtue than actually losing that virtue in a bad relationship. Thus it is that permissive societies are the ones truly conservative in that they preserve the real values of a civilization, preventing them from degeneration.

Backlash is not the only reason for rise in rape stats. The others are increased reporting of cases and paranoia leading to a sexually charged atmosphere. This paranoia coincides with and is largely a result of a generation of women (Generation X) stepping out into professional and public spheres after being nurtured by their parents to do so – these parents are not equipped with matching mindsets.

A fact: Pre-independence India was a lot more liberal in this respect. Freedom fighter Jyotirmoyee Devi of the Surya Sen-Ananta Singha-Pritilata Waddedar circle (92 years old in 2008) would regularly sneak out of home and cycle to meetings with associates and it was her mother-in-law who covered for her before relatives. Ma Sarada is said to have trekked through a forest alone at night as a young bride. She met and blessed a gang of dacoits on the way. The Geeta Chopra Bravery Award instituted in 1978 following the Ranga-Billa kidnap-murder honours a child victim of rape.

A lone man's company often makes a woman the target of rape: It takes away her aura of virginity which is the only kind of virtue recognized by rapists (as they are anti-sexuality in theory but not entirely in practice – a slight paradox). This sets her up as 'fair meat' to be competed for and also puts ideas in the accompanying man's subconscious mind that may not have arisen otherwise and that can lead to blackmail or a play for dominance between the two. Hence, the increased need for greater agency on part of women to defend themselves and their own.

Word of experience: Occupying is a lonely job and entails loss of allies, (career and life) opportunity and even authority to speak with credibility. It is women who are the pillars of patriarchy for it is they who have it easy as their narrow interests – of food, shelter, clothing and security -- are served. It is also they who nurture a horrible fascination about this subject.

It is all very exciting for an outsider or a casual insider to live in an atmosphere of constant suspense touched by polemical feelings and the promise of forbidden sex and scope for easy bravado -- when walking out the door is deemed an adventure in some circles -- and fun what with the hoo-hah and attention and self-defence workshops but such a state of mind is actually a very insidious instrument that saps a society from within and blinkers its vision and limits its possibilities because it becomes/is part of the everyday dynamic of relationships and group behaviour within offices, families and communities where anyone who does not conform to expectations is misunderstood, silenced or snubbed.

It's hurtful to know that your parents will wish you dead if you are raped whatever the reason and the nature of contact. It's hurtful to know that should that happen you have to take matters forward on your own even if you can do so. It's also hurtful though less so to know that you can't trust your neighbour in this or the law of the land or police or so you have been told although this nameless 16-year-old rag-picker who was gang-raped in Delhi in 2007 put her four rapists behind bars by dint of sheer grit stoically attending hearings and not wavering from her stand, threats and mudslinging notwithstanding, right through to the bitter end of a trial that lasted nearly a year.

As a lone occupying pioneer on the ground for the past 20 years earning their right to write this every step of the way by doing the deeds (all of them all of the time without relief or relent and to the chagrin and more of one's dear ones) under their own steam (one has to find it if one has a point to make) and being the person before saying the speech, so to speak, practising the principles much ahead of going to preach, walking the talk one talked in one's adolescence before being challenged by elders saying one would change their stand with age, that what one was saying was impossible in the society one lived in – walking that talk after taking a vow of silence till the time that walk was achieved by one's sole power sans outside help on the soil one is the daughter of – walking that talk and then talking again, this writer demands solidarity from women – both belonging to the 'new' India that has seceded into the privatized world of cars, security guards, gadgets and gated communities, who are driven by self-interest and whose only yardstick is wealth sometimes not entirely their own and to the old 'India' of hypocrisy and spiritual corruption, laxmanrekhas and no true maryada for anyone, where one dare not do right for fear of reprisal and where one uses convention and institution to justify dishonesty, stupidity and blind fear. Anything less and that would be a betrayal. Anything less and one would be as much a part of the problem as the rapists, themselves, are.


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30 smartphones in a year? Slow down, Micromax

Javed Anwer
28 January 2013, 05:30 PM IST

Micromax is on fire. It is riding the Android wave. As smartphones get more popular, the Indian company is launching handset after handset. And many of these are pretty good devices for the price at which they sell.

At an event in New Delhi last week, Micromax CEO Deepak Mehrotra proudly claimed that his firm imported more phablets into India than any other smartphone company in the last three months. This includes Samsung. While the numbers are not verified by third-party research firms, there is no doubt that there is a lot of buzz around Micromax in the market and it is selling a truckload of devices.

But I think Micromax needs to slow down and focus now.

At the same event, Mehrotra also said that the company would launch 30 smartphones this year. Yes, you read that right – 30!

There is no doubt that India's huge phone market, where the number of people looking to transition from feature phones to smartphones is growing, can accommodate 30 smartphones in a year. But I don't think it is a good idea for Micromax to focus on the number of models it will sell.

Micromax has already created a brand name for itself. Instead of getting the products from no-name Chinese companies, modifying them a bit and selling them under its brand, it should look to create genuinely great products. Some of the handsets, like Canvas 2, are good Android devices at their price but there are several issues around Micromax products that hold the company back. Let me list some:

-- The finish of the products can be better. It is improving but there is scope for more.

-- Ask a group of people using Micromax devices and they will likely tell the terrible tales of customer support. There is a perception that if something goes wrong with a Micromax device, it is better to chuck it out instead of going to a service centre and trying to get it fixed.

-- Micromax uses Android on its smartphones. But it doesn't seem to factor in something called software updates. Android versions change quickly and companies like Samsung and HTC try to keep their older devices up to date with software updates so that consumers don't miss out on new features. They don't always succeed. But with Micromax you are stuck with what you have got. If you want the newer version of Android, it is better to throw out your existing phone and buy the latest model from Micromax.

-- In India, good content is still difficult to find. Micromax, being a company that knows local people, can create a content store that can really enrich the experience for its users. It has a store called M! Store, but it is not a great service.

At the moment, the mobile industry is in a state of hyper growth. Micromax is benefiting from it. It seems to be registering impressive growth. But I believe it can also do a lot better. It can create a truly fantastic brand that will outlive the current hyper-growth period.

But for that to happen, Micromax needs to focus better. Launching 30 devices is not really focusing. It needs to bring fewer, but better, devices to the market. And then support these devices for at least one or two years with software updates. It also needs to handle the warranties and after-sales support in a better way. Maybe create more service centres. Maybe increase the number of support staff.

The best bit: this is all doable. 

Follow Javed Anwer on Twitter


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Ashish Nandy’s statement shows how poor our language and mathematics skills are….

Written By Unknown on Minggu, 27 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Prashant Panday
27 January 2013, 11:35 AM IST

Further evidence of how poor we Indians are with language and mathematics came yesterday when Ashish Nandy said "most of the corrupt came from OBCs, SCs and STs" (Indian Express). This was interpreted by the junta to be an attack on the underprivileged. But before coming to that conclusion, let's understand his statement from both a language and mathematics perspective.

What did Ashish Nandy really say? Let's look at the words carefully. Clearly, his emphasis was on the word "most". But what does most mean? In common English parlance, most means the highest occurance of an event, though it does not necessarily have to be more than half (a majority). The question to ask then is if most of the corrupt are likely to come from the underprivileged. Even without any data in hand, one thing is for sure. Purely mathematically, since most people in the country belong to the underprivileged sections (which is why we provide 50% reservations to them), most cases of corruption must also come from them. Mathematically, Nandy's statement was hardly sensational, and maybe Nandy never intended his statement to be sensational. What would be sensational is if the % of corrupt from the underprivileged was actually much lower or much higher than their share of population. But no one has that data. The truth probably is that corruption knows no caste; and all castes contribute to corruption in proportion to their share of population.

Poor Nandy was of course put on the defensive with all the unintended controversy. His defence offered some good insights however into what he really meant: "I believe a zero-corruption society in India would actually mean a despotic society," Nandy said, elaborating that privileged people could be corrupt in underhanded ways — such as using connections to get their children fellowships at elite universities abroad — but such behaviour was not recognized as corruption. "That could be seen as supporting talent." Bereft of such camouflage, dalits, tribals and OBCs were perceived as very corrupt, he explained." Now this explanation gives his statement a totally different hue. It appears what Nandy really meant was that the privileged are equally corrupt (but in underhand ways), but not "visibly" (not camouflaged) so. The underprivileged simply contribute "the most" to visible corruption. Fair point!

Nandy's statement is indicative of a problem that Indians have with language. Any language. Not just English. We have so many languages, none of us is fluent (or even properly conversant) with any language. Not even our mother tongue. Some people speak in a fine and sophisticated way, others in a much more earthy manner. In this case maybe, Nandy's English was too sophisticated for the junta. That sophistication got him into trouble; an FIR was demanded (by Mayawati and others) and filed (by the Jaipur cops) against Nandy. Now the poor man will be harassed to no end.

In a similar way, a few days back we split hairs over the usage of the phrase "saffron terror", and pretended the phrase called all Hindus terrorists. The junta objected to it. But when it comes to using "Islamic terror" to describe the various Muslims caught in acts of terrorism, the same junta is comfortable with the term. The reality is that either both phrases are wrong, or both are OK. It can never be anyone's point that one is OK but the other is not. But again, this simple point of language created a huge political stir.

It's the same with numbers. Most Indian politicians, and media personalities, are extremely uncomfortable with numbers, especially percentages. When the UP elections were underway last year, there was this controversy about the % of reservations for Muslims (of course, now that the elections are over, the subject has been junked!). The Congress manifesto said that it would provide 4.5% reservations to Muslims if elected to power. The controversy started when Salman Khursheed went beyond the manifesto and said his party would provide 9% reservations. Then Mulayam Singh Yadav – not to be outdone by the Congress – said his party would provide 18% reservations. In all these numbers, mathematics got compromised. % are always stated with reference of a base. People often forget to mention the base. The max cap on reservations, as specified by the Supreme Court is 50%. What Mulayam may not have understood (intentionally maybe?) is that his 18% would have to be on the base of 50% max, or 9% of the base of the total population, exactly the same that Khursheed said! So Mulayam and Khursheed were saying the same thing, but Mulayam's appeared to be the stronger offer! No one knows if the junta understood the fine difference though!

Take the recent gang rape in Delhi, and the surfeit of data that emerged from the NCRB records after that. A friend of mine wrote in a Facebook update "2.5 million crimes were committed against in India out of which a staggering 10% were against women". Is this a happy statistic or a terrible one? If there are 50% women in the population, and if only 10% of the crimes are against women, that's a statistic to be happy with, not upset about, right? Actually, 10% is a happily low number. But no one understands maths and 10%, when said with emphasis, is enough to dominate several prime time shows on TV!

Remember also Pranab Mukherjee's "assurance" to Parliament in Dec 2011 that FDI in multi-brand retail would be deferred until "consensus" emerged. By any measure, consensus means 100% "ayes", and that's pretty impossible in a democratic set-up. Pranab Mukherjee had made a mistake. But politics being politics, he couldn't issue a clarification. He had to give some devious explanation to show that by consensus, he actually meant "majority"!

There are numerous other examples of Indians not understanding numbers. GDP growth is one such. Most people think that when inflation is 7% and the GDP growth 5.5%, there is actually de-growth. Wrong. The reality is that GDP growth is measured in "real" terms; that is over and above the inflation number! In "nominal" terms, the GDP growth would be approximately 12.5%. Similarly, any "change" is difficult to understand. If something changes from 50 to 100, that is 100% growth, not 200%, even though it has become two times! And if 50 becomes 150, that is a 200% growth, not 300% even though it has become three times! A few months back, the editor (hardly) of what I call Scam TV made several prime time shows on Montek Singh Ahluwalia spending Rs 40 lacs on "2 bathrooms". Either the anchor did not understand maths or did not want to, but the reality was that Rs 40 lacs was spent on "2 bathroom blocks of 10 bathrooms each….meaning 20 bathrooms", but this was either too fine a point for our dense anchor or too boring a detail! Similarly, during the Commonwealth games much was said about tissue paper rolls being bought for "Rs 1000" or some such number, when it was actually a box containing a thousand rolls! Most people also don't understand what "proportion" means. So poor Ashish Nandy had no chance at all!

The real truth is that every now and then an incident occurs that shows just how illiterate we are with language and mathematics. "Most" (meaning the highest number, not necessarily a majority!) such incidents are blown out of proportion and politicized. In a land of fools, the intelligent are harassed. Alas, this is part of a country's journey to the top…..


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Only disrupters bring change

Pritish Nandy
27 January 2013, 12:47 PM IST

Rahul Gandhi's coronation at the Chintan Shivir intrigued me. Apart from the noisy fire crackers, and the equally noisy TV debates that followed his appointment as Congress Vice President, nothing has really changed. Rahul remains exactly where he has been for 8 years, No 2 in the party run by his mother and pretty much owned by his family, ever since his great great grandfather Motilal Nehru was elected to preside over the Amritsar Congress in 1919.

Ten years later, Lahore 1929 saw the first transition of power from father to son. Jawaharlal was appointed Congress President. And thus began the tradition of passing on power from one generation of Nehru to another. Nehru installed his daughter Indira. She groomed Rajiv to succeed her, which he did, somewhat reluctantly when she was assassinated. When Rajiv was assassinated, Sonia inherited the Congress. Over the past 8 years Sonia has been waiting for Rahul who seemed at first to be as reluctant about joining politics as his father was. That he is still seen as The Great White Hope of the party, not its Supreme Leader is because he has failed to deliver the miracles the party expected of him.

But what can Rahul alone do for a Congress wracked by corruption, ineptitude, lack of talent and imagination?

No wonder, Rahul chose to stand apart from the system, criticise it from the outside. His father did exactly the same. In fact, Rajiv went a step further and publicly snubbed the old style leaders of the Congress who were forever bowing and scraping before him. A much reported incident was when, as General Secretary, Rajiv publicly ticked off T Anjaiah, then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, who went to receive him at the airport. Anjaiah, in the tradition of all sycophantic Congressmen, fawned all over Rajiv much to his disgust, till unable to bear it any more, Rajiv strongly snubbed him. Some say he was about to give him a kick. This incident became a matter of Telugu atma gauravam and led to the rise of NTR who ended Congress rule there.

But this is not about history. Nor sycophancy. In politics, the more things change, the more they remain the same. Call it continuity if you will. Or celebration of the moribund. It depends on how you look at it. Many things around us have changed. Geo-politics of the region. The nation's demographics. And, if we are to believe our leaders, our economic compulsions. Cynics disagree. They say nothing has changed except the limits of our patience. The Hindu rate of growth we were once so embarrassed about, actually gave us a more stable, more affordable economy than the past few years of rising GDP that has left 75 per cent of India untouched by what we call the rising standard of living. But that is another debate.

The question is: Can the new, repackaged, relaunched Rahul live up to the euphoria of his promise?  Tough. No one man can change India. No single party. Only that Government will best serve India that has ranged against it a strong, credible, intelligent political Opposition. In short, what we need is not just a better Government but also a stronger, more credible Opposition that can act as the nation's watchdog, not just as a nagging critic. For several decades now, we have had poor and corrupt governance. But the greater tragedy is that we have also had a foolish, self serving Opposition that never figured out what its role ought to be. All we have come to expect from the Government's critics is provocative rhetoric and angry speeches, not the ability to stand up and force true change.

The reason is simple. The best talent in any nation migrates to the Opposition. In India, neither the Government nor the Opposition attract talent. They attract people whose only skill is that they can fit in with the system, play it by its rules. What we actually need today are disrupters. People who can disrupt this cosy relationship that exists between those who govern and those who are supposed to challenge them. Only then will there be real, sustainable change.


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The Reclaiming of the Republic

Santosh Desai
27 January 2013, 03:26 PM IST

The 64th anniversary of the Indian republic is worth celebrating for the usual reasons but this year there is an additional reason for cheer. It is true that India has been a republic for 63 years, but particularly in the last few years, it would appear that the meaning of being one has gradually been hollowed out. The Indian political system represents the people of the country on paper, but in practice it has become increasingly self-serving. Elections have been the defining feature of our democratic process, and indeed have been for the most part its primary and often, singular face.

Once elected, regimes have been able, by and large, to coast till the time comes for the next elections. There have been problems in maintaining power, but most of these have come from within one's own party in the form of internal dissent and factionalism. The disagreements have not so much been about issues of policy or legislation, but about the personal ambition of those left out of the power sharing arrangement. The absence of inner party democracy has made the process of determining leadership a murky one, particularly in those parties where there isn't a presumptive leader.

In the last couple of years, something has changed fundamentally. As the UPA2 in particular has discovered, now any government needs to tackle two very different imperatives of democracy. Apart from the task of getting elected, today it has to face up to the increasingly onerous task of conducting itself while in power. Getting elected and staying legitimate are now two distinct tasks, needing very different set of skills. For most political parties, the rise of a new media-enabled middle class is a phenomenon that is very difficult to take seriously. Years of hardwired political wisdom tells them that this class is electorally insignificant, and that it can be paid occasional lip service to, but otherwise comfortably ignored.

This attitude has been much in evidence in the manner in the which this government has conducted itself. In spite of facing one crisis after another, it has continued to blunder on, locked in a habit, paralysed by its own grasp of the past. The anti-corruption movement was dismissed as inconsequential till the government was left with no choice but to engage with it. The protests in the wake of the Delhi gang rape were handled with staggering incompetence, with no clear ownership of responsibility. We still have smug spokespersons speaking with lawyerly disdain, detached leaders who are held back to protect them from exposure, defensive bureaucrats focused narrowly on saving their own jobs and leaders without any understanding of how media works that try and navigate the government through various crises. We still have an opposition that believes in its own relevance in spite of having led no movement with popular backing in spite of the government getting so many things wrong.

The closed political system with its focus on elections and on intra and inter- party collisions as its centrepiece is becoming outdated. The combination of traditional media particularly television becoming shriller and more persistent, the coming of age of social media which atomises the right to be heard and do so in real time and the emergence of a middle class anxious to build its own political constituency has created a new political force that wields influence that is disproportionate to its numerical presence. However inconsequential the media might be in determining the final outcome of elections, it can make the life of any government a living hell on a day-to-day basis. This is something this government has encountered often, but not quite acknowledged.

In spite of its numerical inconsequence, the political system cannot govern if it does not cater to this new community of interests. For that it will need to reorganise itself, beginning with a new mental model of what administering power must look like. Coming to power is no longer a position of rest, but a call for action. To do justice to this, the question of who wields executive power and to what end must it be applied, become more important than in the past. If earlier, it was possible to think of the appointment and allocation of ministries largely through the lens of political accommodation, today personal competence will begin to matter much more. The ability to engage with stakeholders and communicate effectively will put pressure on the system to throw up more worthy candidates. Visible responsiveness and the ability to connect emotionally will become important not just while campaigning but while governing.

In some ways, the idea of a republic is being reclaimed with the political system being made more accountable for its actions. While it is the government that has seemingly been the focus of all attacks, in reality it is the entire political establishment that is facing a significant challenge. Of course, this new formation, comes with its own biases and vested interests and its own assertive tone of self-importance. It privileges only a certain set of issues and often seeks solutions that are often token in character. In its bias for the theatricality of democracy, it creates a new order of complexity that needs careful and often sophisticated navigating. There is a demand for a new kind of republic, which is both heartfelt and shallow. This gives the political system an opportunity to reassert its legitimacy and give direction to this new instinct. Instead of being defined exclusively by this new constituency, there is an opportunity to harness its power and redirect it towards more inclusive and long-term goals. However given that the political system is largely in denial, it is unlikely that we will see it take the lead. What is more likely is more shrill noise, and more reluctant acquiescence. The republic is being reclaimed, but the journey is going to be an imperfect and messy one.


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Still a country for old men

Written By Unknown on Sabtu, 26 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Gautam Adhikari
26 January 2013, 06:00 AM IST

Did Beyonce lip-sync or did she actually sing America's national anthem on Monday at the inauguration of President Barack Obama? This momentous issue remains unresolved at the time of writing. But whatever she did, she mesmerized the million-strong crowd with an extraordinary performance.

As did the lead actor of the day, President Obama, who stirringly laid out a vision for the kind of America he hoped to promote in his second four-year term at the wheel of leadership. It was a quintessentially liberal view, which the American right dubs leftwing but is considered a moderate, enlightened position by the most of the world. He followed up his re-election rhetoric by boldly stating where he wanted to take the nation. No lip-syncing there.

On January 26, we Indians mark the day as a milestone in our 63-year-long journey as the world's most diverse and complex democratic experiment working within a republican Constitution. The vision laid out in that fine document is no less bold than the soaring view of life-as-it-should-be in the two-centuries-old American Constitution. Yet, if you would allow the metaphor to be stretched, India's leaders across the board seem merely to lip-sync the spirit of that remarkable document.

President after president gives insipid addresses to the nation year after year. Not surprising, since the position of a ceremonial president itself is insipid and may have outlived its purpose if it ever had one. The president takes the salute on Raj Path from a parade that is spectacular for the most part but rather reminiscent, with its tanks and missiles, of Soviet-style hubris that is unbecoming of a democratic republic. And, invariably, the person taking the salute is elderly, occasionally infirm.

What every president utters to mark Republic Day is uninspiring and resonates the falsity of a lip-syncing act. This is not to belittle the current president; it's true of every occupant of the office and of much, not all, of our political leadership. Old politicians in power deliver tired rhetoric, usually read inarticulately, to a nation that lives in a harsh daily reality that frustrates its citizens, especially the young.

Americans in the past half a century have thrice elected, and twice re-elected, presidents in their 40s, Jack Kennedy, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, without disregarding the claims and appeal of the relatively old, such as Ronald Reagan, who was an inspiring leader whether you agree with his politics or not. We, despite being a nation in which a clear majority is young, genuflect to geriatric hierarchy when selecting our political leaders in the timeless tradition of an ancient civilization.

The young have to wait while the elderly carry on with their dithering ways of leading and governing. The fortunes of the nation meander along at a stately pace like the eternally flowing, dirty and choking Ganges. This is not to assert that the young alone can lead us out of the morass, but relatively young leaders might better reflect the dynamic aspirations of a youthful population than very old people.

Because the guidance of the elderly, however mature and wise, hasn't delivered the goods for India. We don't have to look at America. Look east, urge our mandarins. Well, East Asia including China has a population of 2.15 billion compared to South Asia's 1.66 billion of which 70 percent live in India. East Asia is far ahead in every significant measure of life-improving development, including poverty rates, life expectancy, literacy, schooling, and nutrition. Many exasperatedly blame democracy for our ills. But is democracy the problem? Or is it old, hesitant leadership and poor policy choices made over six decades that we should blame?

On the website of the East Asia Forum, Razeen Sally of the National University of Singapore compares the performances of the two distinct parts of Asia and concludes that the South Asia region, most prominently India, has made numerous wrong public policy choices and has been incapable of enforcing the rule of law.

Steven Rattner, writing in the New York Times last Sunday after visiting India, says Mumbai is not in the least likely to become Shanghai any time soon. And a host of other observers, including several Indians, have recently drawn similar conclusions.

But, can the elderly hear? Can't be sure, getting there myself…


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We should celebrate Headley’s 35-year sentence, not complain….

Prashant Panday
26 January 2013, 09:19 AM IST

After the 35 year conviction of David Headley, the Pakistani-American terrorist who aided and abetted the Mumbai attacks, the Government of India and the Indian media appear to be disappointed with the "light" sentence awarded by the US judicial system. Actually, the sentence is a result of a plea bargain process, as a part of which Headley avoided the death sentence and extradition to India in return for information on other terrorists. I find it bizarre that we in India are upset at all. We should be happy that the man has been sentenced so fast. How much time would we have taken for the same?

If David Headley had been in India, his conviction would have taken more than ten years; maybe even twenty years. Kasab was different, caught as he was red handed. In Headley's case where the evidence is not that readily available, the investigations, shoddy as always, would have gone on for ever. Even this is assuming that they would not have become biased because of politics or botched because of corruption. That's a big assumption in India, considering so many "open and shut" cases drag on for years.

Just look at the recent cases of "Hindu terrorism" or "saffron terrorism" (yes, I am comfortable calling them that). No convictions have been made despite so many years having gone by.

The Malegaon blasts in which 37 people were killed and more than 125 injured took place in Sept 2006 (six and a half years back). No convictions have taken place till date. Not only that, the investigating agencies have moved from one end of the spectrum to the other in first accusing the LeT and SIMI of the crime, and later charging Hindu organizations for it.

The Samjhauta Express blasts in which 68, mostly Pakistani tourists, were killed and dozens injured took place in Feb 2007 (six years back). Again, no convictions have taken place so far. The accused here are clearly terrorists backed by Hindu organizations – including former Indian army officer Prasad Shrikant Purohit, and also Swami Aseemanand. The pace at which the investigations are going, it could take another decade for anything to happen.

The Mecca Masjid bombing in Hyderabad in which 14 people were killed (some in the police firing that followed) took place in May 2007 (again, nearly six years back). Again, nothing has been finalized in terms of who is being prosecuted. Whether it is the HuJI or Swami Aseemanand and other Hindu terrorists, there is no certainty.

In comparison, the US first apprehended David Headley in Chicago in 2009, and then prosecuted him in a little over three years. The quality of investigations was of such high order that the prosecutors were able to get a 35 year "reduced" sentence to the terrorist. The nature of the evidence produced was such that Headley was forced to accept his guilt in a plea bargain in return for information on his fellow compatriot Tahavvur Hussain Rana and others. While Rana was not convicted for the Mumbai attacks, he was of plotting to attack a Danish newspaper for publishing the infamous cartoons of the Prophet. Rana himself was awarded 14 years earlier this month in double quick speed. The US system works. We have no right to complain.

In India, the cases mentioned above have become political in nature. The Congress and the BJP have engaged in slugfests on whether Hindu terrorist groups are involved or not. The BJP even objects to the concept of Hindu terrorism. Why can't Hindus be terrorists? How can the BJP acquit them even before the trial is completed? The party's assertion that India is a country of Hindus (complete balderdash) and hence Hindus cannot be terrorists is bizarre. The BJP ratchets up communal passions since that's the only it believes in. Even in the Samjhauta Express blasts case, it first accused Pakistan, even though Pakistani citizens were killed (In the BJP's scheme of things, this is a "long game" the Pakistanis are playing; killing their own citizens so that they can accuse India). That aside, the whole issue of Hindu terror is being sidelined by splitting hairs about whether Hindu terror (or saffron terror) is the right phrase to use. The BJP wants us to believe that the phrase conveys the meaning that all Hindus are terrorists. But then does Islamic terror (which the BJP liberally uses) mean that all Muslims are terrorists?

At least in the US, there was no politicization of the issue. We are making much noise about "our system is better than yours". Why? Because our system does not allow plea bargaining in murder or terror cases?? Super. But what about the delays our system takes? Why have none of the accused in the Babri Masjid demolition case been brought to justice even after 20 years? Why are Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Vinay Katiyar and others not behind bars for life after clear evidence of their inflammatory speeches, moments before the demolition. We demand the death penalty for rapists, but we don't for cases such as Babri? Even in the Gujarat riots cases, we have taken more than 10 years to start pronouncing some verdicts.

That aside, the Indian judicial system is so flawed that all cases settled by "special courts" or "CBI courts" will run the full course – from the High Court to the Supreme Court to the President's office in case of a mercy petition. This will take another ten-twenty years. The most bizarre thing of course is the last part…..the President has no time limit for deciding on the mercy petitions.  

We are the last country in the world who can accuse the US of leniency in the Headley case. We should be happy that he was arrested in the US. At least he got convicted so soon and will now spend the rest of his life in jail. If he had been caught in India, he would have lived far longer.

So rather than shedding crocodile tears about how lenient the US has been, and how we would have given him death, we should celebrate that at least one known terrorist has been taken out of the circuit. But because we love to mix politics with everything, we cannot do that. Instead, we will all pretend that we are oh so hurt by the US action. Strangely, and increasingly these days, both the BJP and the Congress will end up taking the same extremist line. Both will attack the US. Both know how the public sentiment can be exploited. The media knows it too. Times Now went so far as to call it "betrayal by the US". What betrayal? They took action. What would our investigation/judicial have done????

The real truth is that we should celebrate Headley's 35 years sentence, not complain of him not getting death. By the time he comes out, he wont even be able to think about India. The US system has delivered quick justice. We should applaud them for it….


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Do you need to be liked all the time?

Vinita Dawra Nangia
26 January 2013, 12:41 PM IST

When an innate need to be liked and respected drives our actions, there is a fear of being low on substance and moral fibre

Have you noticed two types of confident people at gatherings — those who seek out others, indulge in back-slapping joviality and show great concern, and those who maintain a distance and dignity, and yet are no less caring and giving? The first are popular and liked by all, while the second earn a lasting respect. Who doesn't want to be liked? Ironically, the need for respect is far higher in the former back-slapper than that of the latter dignified type, who is probably higher on substance and self-esteem.

As per psychologist Abraham Maslow's theory 'Hierarchy of Needs', once the basic needs of food, shelter, security and sex are dealt with, human beings look for one more critical need — before aiming for the highest level of self-actualisation — and that is the fundamental need to be liked and be held in high esteem by others.

Indeed, to be accepted and valued by others is a driving force that influences most of our actions. From an early age, a child is made conscious of the need to be liked by others. "Don't be greedy, what will Uncle say?", "Come on, you don't want others to think you are a naughty girl, do you?"

Children carry forth this need for approval into adulthood, making critical choices of education, careers, even love and marriage with an eye on the approval metre. 'What will people say' becomes such a huge issue that many an ambition, out-of-the-box thought or intuitive plan is sacrificed at this altar. Those who can overcome this need are the solitary marchers, the mavericks, the real achievers.

At the risk of alienating other siblings, a child vies to be liked and admired best by his or her parents. To become the teacher's pet, a student willingly sacrifices the trust and friendship of classmates. In order to win approval and acceptance from peers, adolescents indulge in acts of revolt. As age advances, the desire to be liked and approved by others becomes more pronounced, especially amongst those who lack self-esteem, and have a constant desire to be reassured that their life has been worth something. This trait is commonly observed amongst famous people who live on a diet of admiration and adulation. As age advances and their popularity declines, celebrities make desperate attempts to retain their status in the eyes of others, failing which, they slip into depression or alcoholism, which allows them to dwell in a fanciful world as life ebbs away.

Interestingly, when Maslow talks of 'esteem', a critical component of his theory is 'self-esteem'. He distinguishes between 'lower' esteem and 'higher' esteem, the former being the need to be liked by others, and the latter being respect for one's own self. To achieve the higher self-esteem, one needs to turn focus from others to one's own self, from outside to within. What others think of you becomes irrelevant as you start trusting your own judgment and strictly following your own code of ethics. From a follower you become a role model, from an "also was", you move to "the one"!

This doesn't however mean that if you develop self-esteem, you do not care for others. A certain amount of societal approval is always necessary. We all love to be liked, and so, we inculcate pleasant manners and behaviour towards that end. We smile at another, hoping for a smile back; we help others, hoping one day to be helped back. And it is these niceties that make life worth living.

What is important is to understand that there are plenty of ways to make people notice/like you and seek your company. Actions, critical decisions and your behaviour must never be dictated purely by what others will think of you. No matter how you mould yourself to the casts set by others, the world will still admire the man who marches to his own drum and follows his own set of rules and principles; the one who maintains his dignity and doesn't spread himself too thin in an attempt to please the world. Attract people by your width of substance, depth of knowledge, strength of moral fibre, and vast wisdom, rather than by making shallow gestures that people can see through.

What matters at the end of the day is — Did you achieve your full potential? Did you live with dignity and self-respect? Did you stay true to your own principles? If yes, don't worry about others liking or disliking you. Your own self-esteem will be so high that it will attract the greatest regard from all.


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Transfer pricing on home turf

Written By Unknown on Jumat, 25 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Lubna Kably
25 January 2013, 10:56 AM IST

Zenobia Aunty recently met her CFO friend over tea. When she heard of the problems emanating from the domestic transfer pricing provisions, introduced last budget, she nearly fainted.  From financial year April 1, 2012, if the total annual value of specified domestic transaction exceeds Rs 5 crore, taxpayers have to maintain documentation to substantiate arm's length pricing and obtain a chartered accountant's report.

Zenobia Aunty's CFO friend works in Company ABC, part of a large diversified group of companies engaged in the manufacturing and service sector, including hospitality. Generally companies enter into deals with hotel chains and are offered a discount in return for a long term exclusive relationship. Her CFO friend travels extensively in India, but each time, he books into a hotel belonging to the group, transfer pricing implications arise.

Domestic transfer pricing regulations cover payments made or to be made to specified domestic related parties. This term itself is very wide, a domestic related party will include a director, a relative of a director, a person having substantial interest in the company (i.e. - carrying not less than 20% of the voting power) or if a person holds substantial interest in two or more companies then such companies are also treated as related parties.

 Domestic transfer pricing provisions also cover transfer of goods or services to or from tax holiday undertakings to other non-tax holiday undertakings within the same company. This gives rise to issues relating to allocation of common expenses.

The Finance Bill, 2012, introduced domestic transfer pricing provisions based on the views of the Supreme Court (SC) in the case of Glaxo SmithKline Asia. Here, the SC had said that it needs to be considered whether transfer pricing regulations should be applied to domestic transactions in cases where such transactions are not revenue neutral and have an impact on the tax base.

The SC had noted that in the case of domestic transactions, the under-invoicing of sales and over-invoicing of expenses will ordinarily be revenue-neutral in nature as any profit that is shifted from one company or entity to another will be subject to tax in India.

The SC pointed out that there would be two exceptions to revenue neutrality. First, if one of the related entities is loss making and the other is profit making and profit is shifted to the loss making entity. Zenobia Aunty views that as the law permits losses to be carried forward for a specified period, even such transactions would be revenue neutral.

Second, if there are different rates for two related units and if profit is diverted towards the unit with the lower effective tax rate. For example, sale of goods or services from the non-SEZ unit to the SEZ unit at a price below the market price so that the taxable unit will have lower revenue and thus lower taxable profits and at the same time the SEZ unit will have a lower expenditure and higher exemption. It is clear that the SC had held that there is no need to evaluate the reasonableness of payment made under a domestic transaction if there is no loss to the revenue (it is a revenue neutral transaction).

 However, the domestic transfer pricing provisions have brought within their ambit transactions which are also revenue neutral. Let's continue with the earlier example of the CFO friend residing in a hotel owned by an associate company. Both the hotel chain and Company ABC are profit making and bear the same tax rate. The transfer pricing authorities could claim that Company ABC did not get a good discount and paid more to the hotel.  

Thus, it would disallow a portion of the expenditure, on which tax would have to be paid by Company ABC. At the same time, tax has already been paid by the hotel company on its revenue from Company ABC, resulting in double taxation. The Income tax Act, does not provide for a corresponding adjustment in the books of the other party (in this case, the hotel company).

This is just one illustration. The coverage of domestic transfer pricing provision is vast requiring copious documentation. The administrative cost of compliance and the litigation costs (such as over the quantum of discount) add up to an excruciating experience, even if the taxpayer finally wins the dispute.

Zenobia Aunty strongly believes that domestic transfer pricing provisions should not be attracted (by applicability of section 40A(2)(b) read with section 92BA) when there is no possibility of erosion of the country's tax base. In other words, domestic transfer pricing provisions should not apply where both the parties are subject to the same rate of income tax in India and any one of the transacting parties is not a loss maker in that particular year. Perhaps the Finance Bill, 2013, will resolve this issue?


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Now neither the Congress nor the BJP wants to name it’s PM candidate….

Prashant Panday
25 January 2013, 11:01 AM IST

If ever there was evidence required that neither the Congress nor the BJP was confident about 2014 (irrespective of their public posturing), it is that neither party is willing to name a PM candidate before the elections. The Congress has never done so – with the exception of 2009 when it "indicated" that it would continue with Manmohan Singh – and has been often chided by the BJP for it. The BJP on the other hand has always given the impression that it will announce its PM candidate in advance. The speculation of late has been that that name would be Modi. Suddenly now, the party has turned coy. If Rajnath Singh, the new BJP President is to be believed, it is the "BJP Parliamentary Committee" that will choose the PM. Really? I thought that was the Congress stand; and the BJP was a "party with a difference"!!

Of course we understand what has prompted this sudden change in the BJP's tune. The recent public embarassment over the appointment of its President has exposed clearly exactly what the party's internal challenges are. The truth is in full public glare now – that its not like the party has a number of "options" for the PM's job; rather, it has a lot of "claimants" or "competitors" for it!

One thing that the BJP won't do in a rush is announce Modi's name for the job. I have written several times about this. What is Modi's strength in his home state is his biggest weakness outside it. By polarizing his state, which has a Muslim population of under 9%, on communal lines, he has managed to retain power for 3 consecutive terms. But the problem for Modi is that this strategy has been well publicized beyond the boundaries of his state. And that has made him one of BJP's least desirable PM candidates. Nitish Kumar has been vocal about his opposition; but most others including Modi's friend Jayalalitha, the TDP, the BJD, Mamata's TMC and others also feel the same way though they don't speak openly. It's interesting. It's said that "an enemy's enemy is a friend", but when it comes to Modi, none of the Congress's "enemies" are willing to become the BJP's friends!

For the Congress, it has to be a calculated gambit. My own reading is that the party will not make Rahul Gandhi the PM just yet. There is a reason for this. In his first stint as PM, Rahul would want the comfort of a strong electoral position in the Lok Sabha. He would be loathe to taking over if his party got less than 200 – 225 seats. At this point in time, he hardly has the experience of managing wily, fickle partymen, leave alone allies.

If the Congress's numbers are small, I think the party will plump for Chidambaram as PM. Chidambaram is an astute politician; knowing the ways around the complicated labyrinth of power politics. He has one other big virtue. Also in an India newly sensitized to economic issues, Chidambaram would be better placed than Rahul Gandhi against a competitor like Modi.

Rahul is a visionary. He has charisma. When he speaks, people feel like he can lead them to a better place. He inspires trust. He has the ability to rise above petty political brawls. He is like the CEO of a company. Chidambaram in contrast is a efficient, hard working, focused and astute; an ideal COO. The CEO and COO work together in winning the Board's (the public) trust. It's not much different from the President-VP structure in the US. We've seen over the last 9 years that the Congress prefers to work through a split-leadership structure; Sonia as the Party President has been the CEO till date; MMS the COO. The same model could well work for Rahul and Chidambaram.

The trick would be for the Congress to "let it be known" without formally announcing it that Chidambaram would be its PM it it won power. Rahul would act as the crowd puller, especially in the Hindi heartland; while Chidambaram's performance record would help him dent Modi's if the BJP also "lets it be known" that Modi would be their PM. I know a lot of BJP supporters (actually fence sitters) who would vote for Chidambaram, just as they did for MMS, even though they may have disdain for the Gandhi surname.

Whatever happens, its interesting times ahead! Politics changes very quickly. A few months back, it looked like it was going to be the BJP all the way. But from September last year, the Congress has fought back. Gone is the policy paralysis, the diffidence, the inability to fight back. With the reforms push, Chidambaram has re-energized the party leadership back. And with Rahul ascending to the top of the party hierarchy (well, almost!), the lower rungs of the party are galvanized too. In the meanwhile, the BJP has suffered heavy blows – Gadkari's corruption charges and eventual denial of a renewed term, Yeddy's departure, Modi's Lok-Ayukta loss in the Supreme Court……But who knows, it could all come undone in the next few months! Like cricket commentators often say during an exciting ODI "the match is evenly poised"!

The real truth is that given the dynamics of Indian politics (unlike the US, where out of 51 states, almost 40 are "steadfast supporters" of one or the other party), it is impossible for any party to know its fate in advance. Both the BJP and the Congress have conceded that they cannot get the requisite numbers on their own. In such a scenario, both parties will keep their cards close to their chest….and wait for the election results to emerge before choosing their PM candidates….


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Is 'Hndu terror' so shocking?

TK Arun
25 January 2013, 03:33 PM IST

The BJP has reacted very sharply to home minister Sushilkumar Shinde's accusation that the RSS and the BJP are training terrorists. It is entirely understandable that the party should demand solid proof and follow-up action for the charge that the BJP and its parent organisation, the RSS, are training terrorists. But the umbrage over Hindu terror is overdone.

Most people foaming at the mouth over the phrase Hindu terror consider 'Islamic or Islamist terror' or 'Sikh terrorists' par for the course. Of course, the intended meaning is not that terror is sanctioned by the religion or by the vast body of its followers. It refers to terrorism carried out by some groups in the name of their religion. These groups might claim to represent the faith as a whole but are supported by a tiny minority of those who practise the faith. Hindu terror is different only in the name of the religion in whose name tiny groups carry out terror activities.

In the wake of a series of terror strikes by groups claiming to represent Islam, some Hindu right-wing groups decided to carry out terror strikes of their own. Pragya Thakur was arrested as long ago as in 2008 for the Malegaon blasts. Swami Aseemanand made extensive confessions as to how Hindu fundamentalist groups planned and carried out a series of bomb blasts as revenge for bomb blasts carried out by groups that claim to be carrying out Jihad. This is well known and well recorded.

Going by the tenor and tone of outrage professed by BJP leaders over Shinde's statement, one would think violence in the name of religion is completely unthinkable and alien for Hinduism. Bankim Chandra Chatterji's Anandamath fictionalised the sanyasi rebellion of the late 18th century, to celebrate the violent attacks of people whom the British called religious bandits. Anandamath became popular enough to inspire later Bengal terrorists to carry, it has been said, a copy of the Bhagavad Gita, along with their revolvers.

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, proponent of Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra, ridiculed Gandhi's non-violence. He advised that young boys should be given air guns rather than cricket bats. He was one of the accused in Gandhi's assassination but was acquitted for want of evidence. Gandhi's convicted assassin, Nathuram Godse, was, beyond dispute, a Hindu extremist. This was the reason why the RSS was banned for a while after Gandhi's assassination in 1948.

Violence, however, is not the same as terror. Terror is violence with non-specific targets, the victims being considered collateral damage in a war waged for a higher cause. While the RSS' association with violence is no secret, it has no record of terror. In fact, all the 10 people who have been arrested in connection with 'Hindu terror' are former RSS activists, some of whom joined newer, more extreme organisations like the Abhinav Bharat. Therefore, Shinde is saying something new when he says that RSS trains people for terror.

When Pragya Thakur was arrested, those who protested were, of course, leaders and organisations affiliated to the RSS, such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. That the Sangh champions and spreads an ideology that defines Indian nationhood in terms of Hindutva and sees all non-Hindus as second-class citizens is set out in its ideological documents. Cultural nationalism is euphemism for the repressed violence immanent in the notion that all non-Hindu cultural influences have to be thrown out. That such a violent ideology can spawn terror outfits and terrorists should surprise no one.

The RSS control of the BJP, it may be noted, is increasing, not getting attenuated over time, against the fond hopes of many who would like the BJP to evolve into a normal, right-of-centre political party without a baggage of communal hatred. Whereas the BJP used to have one RSS person in its central decision-making body, today, the RSS has its own people manning the office of party organisation at the centre and in the state units of the BJP. This continuing dependence of the BJP on the RSS for its cadre and for its topleadership appointments means that those waiting for the BJP to evolve away from its communal parentage have a very long wait ahead of them. They could try reading Samuel Beckett to pass the time.

It is entirely correct to say that religions should not be associated with terror. Religions seek to give people a sense of their place in the universe and create a moral discourse that helps individuals live together as a functional society. Terror has no place in this scheme of things. But all through history, people have misused religion for politics, war and destruction. That being the case, the point is not to wax apoplectic over 'Hindu terror' but to combat the ideology and practice that seek to overturn India's democratic order to establish a Hindu India.


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David

Written By Unknown on Kamis, 24 Januari 2013 | 21.16

Meeta Kabra
24 January 2013, 02:16 PM IST

Even though I didn't particularly like Bijoy Nambiar's debut Shaitan, I am looking forward to his next one, David. With Shaitaan I got this distinct feeling that he wanted to put in everything he had ever wanted to put in his films in terms of style and coolness. I hope he has gotten over it.

Anyway, it will be a treat to watch Tabu on big screen again. Other than wanting to see her give a performance I can be in awe of, I'd like to wipe out memories of her participating in a project called Toh Baat Pakki.

Other than that, I'm looking forward to an engaging story that will join the dots between three men separated by decades, the superficial connection being that they are namesakes. The trailer is exciting with the various themes it seems to touch upon.

Not to mention the music has been getting good reviews from all over. So, keeping in mind my take on Shaitan, I should be able to manage a plain slate while walking into David.

Bollyspice - "4.5/5"

Bollywood Hungama - "3.5/5"

Firstpost - "Not the usual Bollywood song-and-dance"Music Reviews:

IBN Live - "3.5/5"

koimoi - "4.5/5"

Milliblog - "But where it loses out lyrically, it makes up in audacity and sheer diversity, delivering a vibrant pastiche!"

MTV - "Out of Control: This song makes you believe in the future of Hinglish; think about it, if you have Hinglish lyrics with the classical voice of Preeti Pillai to sing the chorus. "

Music Aloud - "8/10"


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In defence of Kamal Haasan's 'Vishwaroopam'

Arun Ram
24 January 2013, 03:43 PM IST

Kamal Haasan has made many good movies for which he got bouquets; and some bad movies for which he got brickbats. Now he is getting punished for making a movie that virtually nobody has watched. It's unfair—and here's why.

The Tamil Nadu government on Wednesday evening decided not to allow the screening of 'Vishwaroopam,' which was to release on Friday, for 15 days. This means he would lose out heavily to pirates who would be ready with digital versions copied from Sri Lanka, Malaysia and the US, where the movie may be on schedule. Kamal says Rs 95 crore went into the making of 'Vishwaroopam' which deals with the subject of global terrorism.

Now, why the 15-day moratorium? The government says it is to protect communal harmony in the run-up to Milad-un-Nabi which coincides with the scheduled opening of the movie. The move comes in the wake of representations from a bunch of Muslim organisations in Tamil Nadu which felt that the movie tarnishes Islam and Muslims.

Well, I haven't watched the movie. And I understand neither has Mr M H Jawahirullah, the leader of the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam which is at the forefront of the protest against 'Vishwaroopam.' Kamal did screen the movie for 13 representatives of different Muslim organisations last week, probably the biggest mistake he did after managing to extricate himself from the mess of the DTH-theatre simultaneous release conundrum. The protestors are yet to spell out which scene is objectionable—they would soon – but just clamour for a ban on the movie, not just a few cuts.

Kamal says it is cultural terrorism. What he doesn't say – for obvious reasons – is that the government is bowing to its perpetrators. Who are these guardians of harmony to stall a movie that adheres to the rules of the land? Some 42 members of the censor boards in Mumbai, Chennai and Hyderabad watched the Hindi, Tamil and Telugu versions of 'Vishwaroopam' and cleared it. Now, 13 members of Muslim organisations who also got to watch the movie have overruled it. They should've been emboldened by their success in getting the recent Vijay-starrer 'Thuppakki' – which too deals with Islamic terrorism – go through a few cuts.

I, for one, don't believe these groups represent the unanimous voice of the Muslim community. While the moderate Muslims, unfortunately, refuse to speak out, it is noteworthy that the Indian Union Muslim League, which is the biggest political party of Muslims in the country, has not opposed the movie, yet. If a cross section of society feels the movie is anti-Islamic – after watching the movie that is – let such voices be heard and debated. Till then, it's for the censor board to decide on whether a film should be screened.

If the government means that it should act on the imagined concerns of a section of Muslims, the same logic should apply to the demands of people like PMK leader S Ramadoss who wants to ban all inter-caste marriages. How awful that would be!

So, it's not that the government doesn't see the lack of logic. It's just that it sees another opportunity at minority appeasement. The Muslim groups protesting against 'Innocence of Muslims' attracted attention in September last year when they smashed security cameras in front of the US consulate in Chennai, but I don't think chief minister J Jayalalithaa is so weak-kneed to take the recent protests against 'Vishwaroopam' as a threat to law and order.

Besides the politics of appeasement, there could be other factors that went against Kamal. He was among the speakers at the release of a book on Union finance minister P Chidambaram titled 'P Chidambaram- Oru Paarvai' on December 30, 2012. Encomia are mandatory at such functions and many including DMK president M Karunanidhi, actor Rajnikanth and Tamil poet Vairamuthu poured enough of that. Whether he meant it or not, Kamal then expressed a desire—to see P Chidambaram as the Prime Minister. Anyone who knows the equation between Jayalalithaa and Chidambaram would have shrieked "oops!"

Kamal, who is in the US for the release of 'Vishwaroopam' there, sent this message to the media: I am in a different time zone. Either media waits for me to wake up or justice will. Let both.

Post script:

A couple of hours after this blog was posted, the Madras high court decided to keep in abeyance the release of 'Vishwaroopam' till January 28. A judge would watch the movie on January 26 before taking a decision.


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