What’s your buzzword?

Vinita Dawra Nangia
29 September 2013, 07:15 AM IST

These are the words you live life by. If you choose your buzzwords intelligently, they become a beacon and guide; else they are mere psychobabble

Every now and then a business throbs with buzzwords – new, impressive phrases that help spell the energy, pace and intent of workers, and also the philosophy of promoters. In conference halls and corridors, you will hear phrases like, "Let us be totally transparent" (open about facts); "The project is a work in progress" (not yet complete); "Think out of the box" (unconventionally); "Does he have the bandwidth for achieving your target?" (resources or capability); or "Her skill-sets don't match the job requirement" (qualifications).

Some of these buzzwords have been around so long they seem archaic. "Going forward let us resolve…" (in the future); "Hope we are on the same page" (understand each other); "Let's leverage the staff for maximum work" (use fewer resources better). "That decision was a real game-changer for us" (to change business significantly). Some phrases may make you see red, especially if used too irrelevantly, "I want nothing less than cutting edge stuff" (state of the art) or offensive ones like "We require some kickass action here" (awesome).

And then, even if rarely, you may come across a mind that creates its own unique buzzwords – words and phrases that not just define the individual, but also set pace and standards for those around. "Develop prescience at work, just as a mother has prescience of her child's needs" (intuitive understanding) or "It's a cross in the cleavage situation" (a marriage of contraries that still gel together).

The quest for a meaningful existence also throws up buzzwords that people latch onto and try to absorb into daily living. We hear them all around. Intelligent beings filter them through their consciousness before adopting or rejecting them; the rest adopt and use the phrases in a frivolous manner without understanding or absorbing them. Spiritual gurus repeat these buzzwords; self-help books such as The Secret and The Power of Now revolve around them, and we hear them from each other too often to ignore anymore. Be positive, live in the present, soul-searching, spiritual-quest, peace of mind, the power of choice, positive energy or vibes, keep the faith, live in hope, the sound of silence –who hasn't heard these buzzwords?

In fact, professional and spiritual buzzwords apart, now every day throws up its own buzzwords. The world seems to be looking at the internet for "trending topics," which indicate what the world is talking about right then, at that moment. These words, phrases or news items then float around and become the buzzwords that are #hashtagged and help 'likeminded individuals' to 'connect' and be 'on the same page'. The new craze of hashtagging is nothing but 'cashing in' on trending buzzwords. Media looks for trending buzzwords before creating news, and so do individuals, all struggling to 'carve their space' in the everyday struggle for one's 'spot in the limelight'.

It almost seems that if you can use the right buzzword, you have made an impression that can carry you through to success in almost every field, with or without substance. But that is so not true. As with everything else, 'intelligent choices' and 'out-of-the-box thinking' hold you in good stead even with the choice of your adopted buzzwords.

Why are buzzwords important at all? In a world that dazzles the mind with so many success stories, competitive choices, and multiple options, topped by a shaky morality that blurs the edges between good and bad, right and wrong, it is best to adopt some rules of our own. Rules that define our own sense of morality, our life purpose, and what holds meaning for us. It is here that buzzwords come in handy. By its very definition, a buzzword cannot belong to any one individual; it is already buzzing in the mental sphere, there for the picking. Much like a meme, which is a cultural transfer from mind to mind, buzzwords also travel from mind to mind like an idea replicator.

If we intelligently pick the right buzzwords that suit our purpose and follow these effectively, they serve as a beacon and guide to us. However, pick and adopt them without understanding and they become no more than mere psychobabble. It does not matter where you pick the buzzword from – your office, a spiritual guru, a self-help book, from a teacher, friend, or even your housemaid or a beggar. What matters is the intelligent choice and filtering before you adopt it.

You may call them marketing speak, psychobabble or memes; treat them like 'low hanging fruit' to be plucked and often thrown away, or sieve them to extract your wise choices and live by them, but 'at the end of the day' what matters is your comfort and success with the buzzwords you choose to live your own life by. Choose the words and emotions that make you feel good about yourself and life. So, what are your buzzwords? Intensity or easy relaxation? Music or silence? Compassion or passion? Stillness or action? Contentment or ambition? The cross, or the cleavage it rests within?

 

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The leader who isn’t

Santosh Desai
29 September 2013, 07:16 PM IST

Rahul Gandhi's dramatic and altogether strange public intervention in the ordinance issue makes it clear that he cannot conceivably be the leader of any future government. It is also likely, given his actions over the past some time, that he has in fact no desire to do so, and this is just as well. In this case, the cause was worthy and his intervention important, but the timing and manner in which it happened raises many questions.

There are many who read his public outburst as a calculated gambit, seeking to convert what would probably have been a huge embarrassment for the government had the President refused to sign the bill into a huge embarrassment for the government (but a personal triumph for Rahul Gandhi). It is seen as a desperate political move that seeks to deny the BJP credit for opposing the ordinance, while establishing Rahul's credentials as a free thinker determined to do the right thing. If this is indeed so, and it is certainly possible that it is, then perhaps Rahul should get some credit for being a shrewd political opportunist, willing to take high-risk bets in order to salvage a lost cause.

The trouble with this is that it suggests that Rahul Gandhi took a deliberate studied view and acted decisively, if surprisingly. What does not fit is the notion that he was fully in control of his actions, and knew exactly what he was doing. Given that there were any number of options available to him if he wanted to intercede, including the choice of manner and language used, it does seem that the act of crashing a Press Conference and speaking with such pent-up disdain suggests that he acted out an untethered impulse. A seasoned politician would have played things differently; it would have been possible to generate the same effect with considerably greater finesse.

In fact, had Rahul Gandhi been a power-hungry aspirant for the top job, he could have waltzed into the role anytime he wanted. Not only that, there are a large number of potential political platforms he could have adopted, had he been so inclined. He could in theory have played the role of the beacon of the younger generation, championing reforms in spheres economic, political and social. Or he could have built on his much publicised forays into rural India by more consciously donning the role of the messiah of the Other India. He could have used the feelings underlying the Lokpal movement by acting as the rescuer of democracy. And of course, given the disenchantment with the current regime and with the political establishment in general, it would have been ideal for him to play the role of the conscientious objector and challenger of the entrenched political establishment.  It is tempting to label his current action as part of this larger strategy but the truth is that Rahul Gandhi has never pursued any set of actions consistently enough for it to deemed a strategy.  His intervention has always been discrete, and he strives to deny himself the power he obviously has.

Rahul Gandhi's preference to be seen as an outsider is matched by his awkwardness in the political arena. For someone who has been in the thick of competitive politics for as long as he has, he continues to interact with elements of the political system with a roughness that marks him out. Whether it was his intervention during the Lokpal debate which seemed to ignore all that had happened earlier or his speech to business leaders, delivered with rolled-up kurta sleeves and frequent use of the word 'boss', Gandhi displays an immaturity that belies his years in politics. Given that it is hardly that difficult to put up a glib exterior and mouth politically appropriate inanities, the failure to put up a reasonable front is perplexing.

Rahul Gandhi seems caught up in a perpetual insider/outsider bind that allows him no escape. The paradox of not wanting dynastic power while using it unselfconsciously all the time is one dogs him at all times. Even this time around, the act of not toeing the party and cabinet line might seem to be the act of an outsider, but only a dynastic outsider could have gate-crashed into an official Press Conference seeking to justify the ordinance and trashed it so vehemently. Anyone else would have been peremptorily sacked for much less.

We may not be able to discern what motivations drew him to the act the way he did, but perhaps it is time to grant Rahul Gandhi his dearest wish- to be an outsider in the political system and to intervene selectively as and when he sees fit till such time that his party allows it. There is little reason to doubt that Rahul Gandhi's aversion to power particularly that comes accompanied with continuous responsibility, is real and that it needs to be respected. And even if that were not the case, he is currently not ready to play the role of the leader of a fragmented and complex reality that requires a keen political instinct with the stomach for staying the course. A leader must believe in his own side and it is clear that Rahul Gandhi doesn't. It is time the Congress wakes up to the fact that they are banking on a leader who isn't and who has no desire to be. Rahul Gandhi cannot lead the party, he can at best occasionally surprise it.

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Does Modi suffer from an inferiority complex?

Prashant Panday
29 September 2013, 07:17 PM IST

I think I have finally understood Narendra Modi. And its so so simple really! He possibly suffers from what could be loosely described as an inferiority complex. Let me demonstrate this with the help of three very clear examples:

First, and what Modi is most well known for, is his paranoia with Muslims. Now Muslims account for less than 14% of this country. Hindus in contrast account for more than 80%. And yet, the leader of the Hindus, the Hindu Hriday Samrat as he is called, has such inferiority complex that he feels compelled to attack the poor minorities. Just think about this. Anyone else in a position of 80% strength would have been smug. He would have been guilty of merely ignoring the minorities. But not Modi. He has to attack them to reassure himself that he is indeed 80% strong.

Modi has converted this complex into a political plank. Most of his followers admire him because they possibly also suffer from a similar complex. I was stunned recently when a friend admitted over Facebook that if Hindus have to remain in a majority, they have to vote for BJP. I was stunned, but it struck me that for a whole bunch of Modi-backers, this is perhaps the only reason to back him. Certainly, many in Gujarat think that way.

Second, look at which country Modi attacks the most. He doesn't attack America, a country that continues to deny him a visa. He doesn't attack the Brits who ruled us for two hundred years. He doesn't even attack China for he knows that they are well capable of reaching him right inside his dugout in Gujarat. Who does Modi attack? Pakistan. In fact, Modi loves to attack Pakistan. At first, I used to think that attacking Pakistan is just an extension of attacking Muslims, but now I am convinced that its about size. Pakistan is just about the right size for him to feel comfortable to attack. Modi feels safe in attacking Pakistan. The Pakistanis probably cannot cause much harm to him. They cannot fight back. They are weak. For all of their bluster, they have not been able to impress the world about their claims on J&K.

The population of Pakistan is some 18 crores. That's about the same as the Muslim population of India. This is tiny in comparison to India's 100 crores Hindus. This is just the size difference that gives Modi the confidence that he wont be pummeled. He feels he can get away by attacking. So he roars against Pakistan. Many, if not most, of his speeches are about Pakistan bashing, a rhetoric that he presents as Indian nationalism. Excuse me Mr. Modi, but for many of us, we are not really that worried about Pakistan. Irritated by its nefarious activities yes, but not really worried. Nor are we about China or any other neighbor for that matter. It is in fact China and Pakistan who huddle together because they are worried that India will punch them in their noses if it ties up with Israel, Japan and the US. But for Modi, this is merely a detail, an inconvenient detail, that like so many others, he likes to ignore!

Third, in the political space, Modi attacks a PM who everyone knows is a gentleman of the highest order. The PM is an economist, one of India's most erudite leaders, and one whom the entire world looks up to. The PM however is weak in oratory. He cannot shout the way Modi does. He cannot punch his fists in the air like Modi does. No way is the PM going to get into a shrill fight with anyone. This is precisely why Narendra Modi attacks the PM. He knows the PM cannot give it back. But where the PM can give back – in economics, in FDI policies, in foreign affairs, in strategy – Modi runs away from a discussion. This is why Modi never offers any solutions to any of the problems he blames the Congress for, because that would expose him and make him feel weak. He realizes his educational disadvantage when compared to the PM. This is also why Modi never gives interviews to savvy journalists. He walked out of a Karan Thapar interview because he couldn't intellectually bully Thapar. But give him a lame duck anchor (and there are a few!) and he may just take the bait. This is also the reason why Modi has never accepted the challenge of a public debate with Digvijaya Singh.

This is why there are others in the BJP who may eventually make it to the PM, if the party comes anywhere close to forming a government. For whatever one may say about them, Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley and LK Advani maintain a certain decorum and decency that national politics and the PM's office demands.

The real truth is that people with inferiority complex typically tend to be bullies. Bullies make a lot of noise. So does Modi. Bullies exaggerate figures to show how muscular they are (when they really are not). Modi does the same. Bullies try to sully the reputation of others better placed than them, with the hopes of catching attention. Modi does that when he attacks the PM. It's a cinch really!

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It’s 'Sholay' time in Delhi

Tarun Vijay
28 September 2013, 01:36 PM IST

What a day it was. I was preparing to leave for Kolkata to attend a Bengali weekly Swastika's writers' conference that the phone began buzzing — we need a reaction on Rahul trashing the ordinance. Journalists, part of PM's delegation to Washington woke up in the unearthly hours to register their presence — America connected with Akbar road and the usual embedded 'intellectuals' gave a real circus show — in one sentence they praised Rahul, his 'rebellious spirit', his love for ethics and so on and immediately tried to defend Manmohan Singh too, making a hilarious defence.

Any party leader has a democratic right to differ with the government decisions, even if it's his own party's government, and put pressure to have them changed. Mr Rahul Gandhi did enjoy that invincible position. He could have waited to let the PM return from his foreign tour and discussed with him to have the return path of the ordinance smoother and decent, at least for the party and government.

He chose a dhaba-tea stall mannerism to warn the Prime Minister who was mid-way to meet the president of the USA.

India deserves better. Let the Prime Minister put in his papers to close the chapter of an unending nonsense and help stop India turning into a comedy of errors.

Do we have to remind ourselves that we are nation and need governance, not the theatrics of the mohalla level? The corridors of power need people who take their business seriously. Thanks to President Pranab Mukherjee who refused to act in haste and saved the grace for the nation.

The angst that was shown against an ordinance was absent when coalgate was discussed, the files went missing, when the Indian soldiers' beheaded bodies returned home, when the Nirbhaya case enraged people who thronged Raisina Hills in a rebellious mood and also when infiltration and incursions from across the borders made headlines and Lokpal bill remained in cold storage.

It's not just the ordinance that has been trashed. We are happy that it did happen. But the outburst of the Congress vice-president has a wider implication. Now, even the thin, weirdly hung curtain of power divide has vanished. The real power centre, formally announced with a dash of strong, insulting words for the constitutionally elected authority, is 10 Janpath.  

Not the Prime Minister's office. Not the ministers or government of India's secretaries or the constitutional procedures or the Parliament.

Is this acceptable to Dr Manmohan Singh?

The decision to approve the ordinance and send it to the President for his signature was taken by the Cabinet in a meeting chaired by the Prime Minister. Before that, the Parliament discussed it, various party leaders spoke on it, newspapers carried comments on it, the judgment of the Supreme Court regarding the convicted lawmakers was discussed too, and along with it, various shades of the opinion were expressed. Where was Rahul ji when all this was happening? If he says the ordinance is nonsense, it means the government is a nonsense government and the person heading it, i.e. the PM too doesn't do sensible things.

Now, the same government that presided over the approval of the ordinance is taking it back.

Who is the master of this nation now; the constitutionally elected Prime Minister or the party leader?  What message it sends to foreign governments? Should they be approaching the Prime Minister for agreements or have it routed through the rebellious party leader? Who is the final decision maker and who is a nonsense head of the government?

The Sibals, Makans and all those associated with the preparation and a passionate defence of the bill feel flummoxed and speechless. Even when they try to put up a brave face and in a funny somersault say — yes, the bill was too atrocious, against all ethics, against the spirit of the constitution … and all that blah blah, it must be making holes in their conscience. Yet they will remain silent and suffer ignominious reversal of what they were telling the world moments before.

Should Dr Manmohan Singh suffer all this in the name of loyalty?

Look at the discomfiture of our envoys worldwide. In all evening receptions and get-togethers and formal-informal gatherings, they will have to answer, politely and diplomatically worded queries — what happened in your country 'Your Excellency'.
 
It's really very interesting!!!

We neither deserve a meek and silent Prime Minister submissive to the extra constitutional authority of a family nor governance that gets directions from an immature leader embarrassing the chief executive of the nation from a press club.

India needs governance for its 1.2 billion souls, not 'Sholay'-type theatrics.

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The nation’s best kept secrets

Brijesh Kalappa
28 September 2013, 01:58 PM IST

The BJP's most charismatic face Atal Behari Vajpayee while speaking from Shimla soon after the NDA's debacle went on record to state that the only reason the NDA was voted out of power in 2004 was owing to its failure to act against Narendra Modi soon after the Gujarat riots of 2002. A polarizing and menacing figure, Modi was singularly responsible for the BJP's resounding nation-wide defeat even as chief minister of the relatively unimportant state of Gujarat - how then did he claw his way into becoming the Prime Ministerial candidate of the BJP in less than 10 years? 

Gujarat, since it is the land of the Mahatma, follows prohibition. Yet, in Gujarat today, the finest liquor brands are available and door delivered to anybody who wishes to have a drink or two. Can one estimate the size of the revenues it would have brought to the government, if prohibition were not in place- just compare it to another state which has a population similar to that of Gujarat. Karnataka, with a population of 61130704 is closest to Gujarat which has a population of 62700003. Karnataka, despite its low tax rates on liquor earns a whopping Rs 11500 crore as revenue from liquor sales.

Gujarat is a state which tops all states in the nation where the maximum number of cases for corruption are registered against police officers. It is these police officers who man prohibition and other prohibited activity. Only a close confidante like Amit Shah is entrusted with the home portfolio. It is well established that liquor flows like water in Gujarat. Now, who posts these officers to their positions? The state government, of course. The most lucrative positions in the police department are auctioned off to the highest bidder, and that fetches a conservative figure of Rs 10,000 crore to those that man prohibition in Gujarat.

With a treasure-chest of Rs 10,000 crore annually, it is not difficult to replicate the dreams of Gali Janardhana Reddy who with a war-chest of just Rs 3000 crore had made intricate plans to install his own choice Smt. Sushma Swaraj as Prime Minister. Mrs. Swaraj too happily enough partook in the Varamahalakshmi festival organized by the Reddy brothers for a record 9 years!

Now, is there anybody who takes action against corrupt officers in Gujarat? It is the state vigilance department- at the head of which is the State DGP who also reports to the chief minister. Gujarat has had no Lokayukta even since 2003. Considering that it was the Lokayukta who first blew the whistle on Yedyurappa, as a manner of speaking, if BS Yeddyurappa had followed Narendra Modi's example of not appointing a Lokayukta, he would arguably still have been the chief minister of Karnataka with an extraordinary reputation for honesty- a reputation which Modi enjoys among those who support his case for Prime Ministership.

It is this money that seamlessly made way for Modi's grand entry onto the national stage. It is this money that draws huge crowds for Modi's rallies. It is this money that silences Advani into submission and it is this money that funds APCO international which funds pro-Modi online material and creates trolls batting for Modi online.

But does money win elections? In India, money is important, but if money alone won elections, the richest men would have been Parliamentarians and Ministers. Modi is a deeply divisive personality and that alone is the main impediment for him to cross the bar.

Now, for the second best kept secret, BJP's mega claim that they were primarily responsible for creating massive infrastructure in the national highways. A news article too claimed that the BJP had in fact created a far greater length of roads than the UPA despite only remaining in power for 6 years as compared to UPA's 9!

Details received from the Union Ministry of roads and Highways disclose that, the length of roads completed during UPA rule is roughly 5 times that completed during the NDA years and total investment being roughly 9 times that of the investments made during the NDA years.

ROAD PROJECTS AWARDED AND COMPLETED DURING 1998 - MAY, 2004 AND JUNE, 2004 - JULY, 2013
Particulars	1998-May 2004	1st June 2004 - 31st July, 2013
Awarded Contracts	171 contracts of total length 6233 km with cost of RS. 30409.04 cr.	359 contracts of total length 26301 km with cost of Rs. 221540 cr.
Length completed	3630 km	17602 km
Investment	19685 cr.   Govt. Fund	118711 cr.   Govt. Fund
	3463 cr.    Private Sector	95632 cr.     Private Sector
	23148 cr.   Total	214343 cr.    Total
	from April 1999 to March 2004	from April 2004 to July 2013

With these two out of the way, in the days to come, many more of the nation's best kept secrets will tumble out, which will help the voters make up their minds on who their vote in 2014 should go to.

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Issues behind Rahul Gandhi’s tantrum

Dileep Padgaonkar
28 September 2013, 04:03 PM IST

Both the timing and the language of Rahul Gandhi's tirade against the ordinance on the disqualification of convicted legislators have attracted so much scorn – and quite rightly too - that it has eclipsed the outcome of his fulminations. Neither must be dismissed out of hand. Consider the issues at stake.

The timing was inappropriate on three counts:  one, it coincided with the prime minister's crucially important engagements in Washington and New York – the first with President Obama and the second with prime minister Nawaz Sharif; two, it  came in the wake of reports that President Pranab Mukerjee was not comfortable with the ordinance; and three, he spoke at a time when senior ministers of the government and spokespersons of the party were bending over backwards to defend the ordinance thus  forcing them to make a humiliating U-turn.

So clearly, given his description of the ordinance – 'nonsense' that deserves to be 'torn up and thrown out' - the reputation of the government, and of the prime minister in particular, has been scalded. That of the Congress party, including, in the first place, that of party president, Sonia Gandhi, has been dented. The cabinet had approved the ordinance as had the party's core group. Rahul rubbished both in one fell swoop.

All of this is of course grist to the opposition's mill. It can be trusted to keep the controversy alive to draw maximum mileage from what they perceive to be a government and a party gasping for its last breath. What would encourage it to hound the Congress with even greater vigour is the way the controversy unfolds. It reckons that it is in a win-win situation. It will rejoice should the prime minister put in his papers. But it will also exult should he choose to continue in office for, in that case, it can go to town pointing to the deep dissensions in the ranks of the government and the party alike – and to reassert that the PM is a mere puppet of the dynasty.

However, the opposition parties, and the BJP in particular, cannot afford to under-estimate the Congress party's capacity, built over decades of cynical manipulation, to turn a crisis into an opportunity. Rahul Gandhi has already made amends of sorts by reiterating his deep admiration for the prime minister. So, apparently, has his mother in her telephonic conversation with Dr. Manmohan Singh. The government and the party could thus come clean on the ordinance issue.

They can argue that out of respect for public opinion, they decided to retrace their steps. And they will shower praise on Rahul Gandhi for the lead he took in this regard. Lalu Prasad Yadav, who might be convicted in the fodder scam on Monday, might be infuriated. But the Congress can always rely on Nitish Kumar to bail it out in case of an emergency.

That, in turn, may well prompt the Congress vice-president to make bolder moves to refurbish his image as a resolute leader who is able and willing to take risks to cleanse the 'system' of the many debilitating ills that afflict it. Will he, for example, oppose the content of the ordinance on which there appears to be a fair amount of consensus among political parties?  It allows a sitting legislator who is convicted of a serious crime by a lower court to continue to hold his seat while his appeal is pending though he would not draw a salary nor would he be allowed to vote.

If Rahul Gandhi is serious about his anti-corruption convictions, he would need to ensure that the legislation is in line with the letter and spirit of the Supreme Court's ruling in the matter. It calls for the legislators immediate disqualification.  Likewise, his convictions would gain in credibility if he were to push for political parties to be brought within the ambit of the Right to Information Act. So would his determination to get parliament to enact a robust Lokpal bill and to back as vociferously as he can the Supreme Court's latest judgement that allows citizens to cast a negative vote against all candidates in the fray – as Narendra Modi has done with alacrity.

On each of these issues, Rahul Gandhi would challenge every party, including, in the first place, the Congress, to stand up and be counted. Even a partial success on these scores will go down well with young India that is tired of the eager willingness of the entire political class to defend its corporate interest at the expense of the citizenry. He may well be seen to be crafting a narrative that runs counter to the populist narratives of the political elite irrespective of its internal divisions.

This is admittedly a tall order. But consider the alternative: the persistence of the image of an eternal outsider whose silence on most issues of critical concern to the nation, and his occasional tantrums on some of them, stand in sharp contrast to the macho image of an over-eager claimant for the top job in the country.

Still, to deny that Rahul Gandhi, along with president Pranab Mukherjee, has effectively scuttled the controversial ordinance, a demand of the opposition, would be churlish. The question therefore is: do the hyper TV anchors and the opposition parties think that the withdrawal of the ordinance is a good thing or not?  That question, alas, has been drowned in the tsunami of scorn that followed Rahul Gandhi's dramatic intervention on Friday.

Question his methods by all means. But do show the grace to admit that he has effectively killed a terrible piece of legislation. And then take him to task if he fails to champion other causes dear to the electorate such as inflation, Telangana, communal polarisation, especially in UP, and Pakistani mischief on the borders. That is the only way to know if Rahul Gandhi came of political age on Friday or if his diatribe was a mere, and inconsequential, flash in the pan.

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Restaurant Review: Pronto Prego (Italian )

Rashmi Uday Singh
27 September 2013, 05:25 PM IST

I dedicate today's column to goodness, wellness and innovation. Having tracked Mumbai's restaurant scene for almost 30 years, I continue to get delighted and amazed by the way in which new ideas keep bubbling over. Like in the three-month-old Pronto Prego today. And, the epitome of wellness, goodness and innovation is my lunch companion, singer, performer and motivational speaker Raageshwari. As the ambassador for AIDS awareness in Maharashtra, not only does she hold motivational seminars for patients and counsellors but also is a motivational speaker for cancer patients. And now, (having collaborated with global healers like Louise Hay and author of Chicken Soup For The Soul) she has formalised all that in her latest CD which is all about motivation and affirmations and holds corporate sessions/seminars on confidence, self-worth, stress management and high living, etc. No wonder Vishal Desai, whizkid media marketing strategist and passionate food enthusiast, is totally bowled over by her insights and work on positive affirmations. As with the concept of Pronto Prego.

DÉCOR
Please take a look at the photo. Instead of a serenading musician, we have the serenading superfood champion who buzzes around communicating awareness on all that's healthy in the food on the table. In Westin's (Goregaon) Pronto Prego, which sits outside Prego (their fun-dining Italian restaurant), the patisserie counter, the high ceiling and just a few tables give us a feel of being plonked in the lobby.

FOOD
The clockwork menus keep an eye on the clock and the superfood champion on wellness. This convenient yet delicious and nutritious Pranzo Veloce (`695 plus taxes) serves up a main, starter and dessert... from a flavoursome minestrone to okayish pizza diavola and pizza picante (half and half). Fresh and light sea bass carpaccio and salmon bolito. Equal number of options for vegetarians and non-vegetarians, salmon bollito, gambroni griglia (robustly flavoured prawns), Australian lamb, scallops are all part of the menu. High profile and popular TV chef, executive chef Ajay Chopra, having honed his skills in London and Mumbai, conceptualised these clockwork, superfood-infused menus. Must wind up with the superb green apple and burnt sugar gelato. We also picked up some of the much in demand patisserie (macarons, opera, lemon curd, esther hazy). They do shape cakes too. 

MINUS POINTS
The plonked-in-the-lobby feel of this restaurant is disconcerting but the daylight-bathed area is cheery and comforting. Over-cooked spaghetti and over creamy risotto and stodgy melanzane alla parmigiana leave a lot to be desired. 

MY POINT
Goregaon's Westin's building has many an office in it. And this new clockwork restaurant is a great boon for them as well as those in the vicinity. Rs 695 + for a meal, in and out in 45 minutes is their promise, fun dining (Prego poker) too. If Pronto Prego is full, you could also move into Prego for the same meal which could do with fine-tuning. However, in our busy times, the timing is perfect.

Pronto Prego
The Westin Mumbai Garden City International Business Park, Oberoi Garden City, Goregaon (E).

Call: 022-6736 1251

Rating: * Food: 3 * Service: 3.5  * Décor: 3

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‘Right to Reject’: A great step towards future electoral reforms to make our democracy vibrant and meaningful

Narendra Modi
27 September 2013, 04:12 PM IST

This morning the Honourable Supreme Court directed the Election Commission to include negative voting by allowing the voters to reject all the candidates in an election.

I wholeheartedly welcome this. I am sure it will have a long lasting impact on our polity and will be a great step in the direction of further electoral reforms that can make our democracy even more vibrant and participative.

Friends, for a very long time I have called for a provision for a right to reject in elections. Without it, there was something lacking in the system. Right now, if there are ten candidates contesting from a seat, we are compelling the voters to choose from those ten candidates. This judgment will empower the voters to express their anger and reject all of them. The voters can give a message that we do not like the candidate or the candidates' party or the party policies. This will give out a very strong message to political parties- parties will be forced to think why is it that people are not accepting them. It will make parties more responsible.

Many friends in some political parties are sceptical of having a Right to Reject in forthcoming elections. However, I am not surprised. We introduced a bill on compulsory voting, which even included the Right to Reject but Congress Party opposed it tooth and nail. The bill was passed twice, in 2008 and in 2009 but it was then withheld by the Honourable Governor.

Compulsory voting too, has several advantages that can make our democracy stronger. It will even mitigate fears about elections becoming display of money power. Many citizens are disturbed by the large amounts of money being spent on elections. However, by bringing compulsory voting, mindless and extravagant expenditure on elections will not happen as the voter will anyway have to come to the polling booth and cast his or her franchise.

It is natural for many of you to ask- do things like Right to Reject and Compulsory voting violate our Right to Expression? No, I would say it is adding completeness in the opportunity for expression. Right now, you are getting only half the right of expression- that of selecting the person or party. In future, you will get a complete right of expression- of even rejecting the candidates. 

And it is not that something is being snatched from the voters. If compulsory schooling for children is advocated, can you say that we are denying a child his or her childhood?

Once someone asked Mahatma Gandhi what are the fundamental rights of the people? Gandhi ji said that it is not about the fundamental right but the fundamental duties of the people. When we do our duties properly, the rights will be automatically safeguarded and if we do our duties properly, our democracy will be safeguarded.

But friends, while it is good to talk about Right to Reject and Compulsory Voting, this debate will be meaningless if you are not registered as voters! I am told that a large number of youngsters who are 18 to 24 years old are not registered as voters. There is nothing more unfortunate than this. The Election Commission has started a special drive across all states for enlisting voters and I urge all of you to make use of the drive and get registered as voters. It is equally true that many of our NRI friends who retain their India passports do not know that they can vote in elections. Thus, I even urge my NRI friends to check the Election Commission website and get registered as voters.

Democracy can only be strengthened by all of us! As voters, we are the 'Bhagya Vidhatas' of our nation. What the Supreme Court said today is a wonderful step but it is now for us to come together, put it into practice and strengthen our democracy so that our nation can shine in the years to come!

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In 1950s and 60s, Hindi films enjoyed a dream run in Greece

Avijit Ghosh
27 September 2013, 05:39 PM IST

I first came across Helen Abadzi's name in Global Bollyood, a book edited by Sangita Gopal and Sujata Moorti. The introductory article written by them spoke of Abadzi's "groundbreaking research on Hindi cinema in Greece." I was fascinated. Immediately I trawled the internet and found an extremely well-crafted article on the subject by Abadzi. I came to know that between 1954-1968, 111 Hindi films were exhibited in Greece. And Mother India was such a superhit that it ran for 10 years all over the country famous for its ancient civilization.

I also discovered that Abadzi was a polyglot – she speaks 19 languages – and worked at the World Bank in Washington (those days). I emailed her and she decided to meet me for an interview. I was in Philadelphia those days and visited her suburban residence in Washington in March 2013 where we enjoyed a long conversation on the subject.

These are extracts from an email interview that I later conducted with her. As she points out in the email, parts of her reply has been taken from one of her earlier articles that she had written on the subject.
 
So here goes a little-known story from the forgotten pages of Indian cinema:

Q: How did you get interested in the history of Hindi films in Greece?

A: I saw a couple of them when I was about 10 years old. They played in movie theatres near my home. Notably I remember the plot of Ghar Sansaar.

Q: Your research shows that in the 1950s and 1960s, Hindi films were extremely popular in Greece. How and why did this happen?

A: The economic condition of Greece was bleak in the early 1950s. Since its liberation from Turkey in 1827, the country had been a poor agricultural nation with high levels of illiteracy, limited life expectancy, and a low status for women. World War II and a subsequent civil war with communist insurgents had destroyed the countryside and killed many inhabitants. An atmosphere of depression and mourning prevailed as people tried to rebuild their lives. One survival tactic was migration to larger cities (such as Athens) and emigration to countries like Germany, which needed cheap labour. Uneducated orphans and people caring for widowed relatives were forced to leave their homes and become bricklayers or housemaids, living in unhealthy and oppressive circumstances. It was in that climate of desperation that Hindi movies made an indelible impression.

Q: Who were the primary audience of these films? Where were these films shown?

A: The years 1945-65 were a golden period in Indian cinema. Most were dramatic love stories set in a background of tangled family relations, poverty, exploitation, and misery. In a format that became characteristic of Hindi cinema, many songs and dances were included. Frequently during the movies, actors sang, pondering on problems and situations like a protagonist and a responding chorus in a Greek drama.
 
The plots of the movies resonated with the wounded Greek psyche. Suffering women, street children who had to drop out of school, jealous sisters-in-law, vengeful mothers-in-law, interdependencies, betrayals, and frequent unhappy ends resonated with the difficult choices of poorly educated Greek people subsisting in large cities. In particular, the characters appealed to poor women. The maidservants and factory workers saw themselves depicted on the movie screen, hoping for deliverance. Maybe the rich young man would marry the poor beautiful girl who worked at his house. Maybe lost relatives would appear to take care of the abandoned street child who sang so beautifully.

Suffering in the movies was combined with spectacle. There were scenes of palaces, beautiful houses, jungles, elephants, spectacular countryside and medieval-period costumes. Though often depicted as poor and unhappy, the Indian actresses were gracefully modest, with bright clothes and much jewellery. They enabled the audiences to see people like themselves improving their conditions, but also to be transported to a reverie far from reality. Thus, India managed to package and export its main problem, poverty, with its main attraction, exoticism. And Greece at that time was a willing buyer.

These movies were considered working-class fare. They had much less appeal for the middle class, which looked westward for entertainment, wanted more humour, and was not plagued by the social dilemmas of the poor and the limited solutions available to the heroines. Nevertheless, the Hindi masterpieces were seen by many.

Mother India premiered without much advertisement in Kotopouli, a downtown theatre on a snowy day in February 1960. The first few curious spectators were so moved by it, that they stopped strangers on the way out and told them not to miss that "social gospel". Four hours later, a waiting line two city blocks long had formed, and the movie played in some Greek town or other at least for the next 10 years.

Q: Many songs from these Hindi films were plagiarised as Greek melodies. In fact, your research shows that the number was higher than 100. In fact, it created a category of music called, Indo-prepi. Tell us about these songs; where were they played and who composed them.

A: The number of songs that were adapted from Hindi movies is considerable. From the 111 movies known to have come as well as from others whose importation is uncertain, 105 Greek renditions were identified. Many came from the best known movies: Awaara, Sri 420, Mother India, Ghar Sansaar, Laajwanti, and Aan.

Many Hindi songs engendered duplicates, triplicates, and quadruplicates. For example, Pyar hua ikraar hua (Sri 420) and Gao tarane man ke (Aan) have four renditions. Unchhi, unchhi duniya ki deewaron (Naagin) and "Aa jao tadapte hain armaan (Awaara) have three. At least 10 others have duplicates. Of all songs, 57 (55%) have a great similarity with pre-existing songs; 25 (24%) deviate significantly from the originals, 16 (16%) are partial renditions, where other melodies are mixed with Hindi, and 5 (5%) use only some musical bars.

Most Hindi song copies were temporary hits or remained obscure. However, 11 were still known among the general public in 1998, about 35 years later.

The Hindi songs were rendered in an oriental style that was popular with Asia Minor refugees (who fled to Greece after the 1922 massacre) and with residents of remote villages, where older musical traditions were remembered. This style of songs was called rembetika before 1959 and "laika" or popular songs (sometimes also "varia" - heavy laika) after that date. The imitation and inspiration from Hindi created a specific class of songs called to this day "Indo-prepi" (Hindi-style). To Hellenize the songs, composers often speeded them up, simplified sections where they could not reproduced the trained voices of the Indians, and changed instruments, using the string instrument bouzouki. Although some songs were hasty improvisations, others were good, some possibly better than the originals.

Q: The success of Hindi film songs became a matter of debate in Greece. Can you explain the nature of the debate and why?

A: In the 1960s, many educated Greeks did not look kindly on the Hindi movies and songs. They saw them as a threat to the country's drive for modernization. The middle class admired the West. Its members associated the Indo-prepi with refugees from Turkey, poorer people, uncouth villagers, and backwardness in general. Emigration was not a middle-class concern. Even when the songs echoed more general themes, the words alienated the educated listeners. The same Urdu vocabulary that is considered poetic by Indians (e.g. dunia, zamana, ashik, khabar) was considered Turkish by Greeks, and therefore backward. The words were too emotional, too depressed, too angry. They often expressed negative attitudes against women (e.g. "I will throw this nagging woman out..." ) as well as male demands for female obedience and virtue. Students often ridiculed or parodied the laika songs and the tearful movie titles. In particular, young women, who had brighter prospects than their mothers through education and salaried work, wanted to have nothing to do with them.

Q: Why did Greece lose interest in Hindi films in the 1970s?

A: Greece at that time wanted to be seen as westernized and modern, and the songs incorrectly evoked memories of Turkish occupation.

Q: Your book on the subject, the one you co-authored with Emmanuel Tasoulas says that the old Hindi film songs again became popular in the 1990s. Is that correct?

A: Yes, and the songs have remained popular. We hear bhangras these days blaring from cars. There are groups of Greeks who study them, know the modern authors.

Q: During your research work, you also became friendly with composer Naushad? Can you relate an anecdote from the meetings?

A: After we had a clear picture of how many copied songs had been written by various Indian composers, I wondered what they would think about the copies (copyright issues aside). Shankar and Jaikishan were both dead, but in 1996 Naushad Ali was very much alive.

(Note: The Indian composers at that time typically gave up their rights to the music and movie companies and they only kept performing rights; they would not have gotten any money from Greece, anyway.)

Through my various Indian connections I found that he used to visit one of his daughters in California. So I managed to get a phone number and called him. (I spoke to him in Hindi.) He heard for the first time from me all the success that his work had had in faraway Greece. I told him about the singer named Voula Palla who, before passing away wanted to make sure that he got credit for the 15 Mother India songs that she rendered. He was very gracious. He said that people made money from the work, and that was ok, but the musicians in India who had played were growing old without pensions or medical care. Could I get some copyrights money for him? I said I would try.

My husband is a lawyer, and we got in touch with AEPI, the company that handles performing rights in Greece. The songs were in various authors' names, so it would not be possible in that way. However, I turned to the old company called 'Music Box" that had issued a number of them. (We managed to get some royalty from the company).

Naushad was very happy that we got him that symbolic amount. Whenever I called and asked for him on the phone, he would always come. And during my work twice I went to Mumbai, where Naushad received me every time with great happiness.

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Dost on toast

Bachi Karkaria
25 September 2013, 10:41 PM IST

Is 'friendless' King Khan the poorest guy in Bollywood?

Shah Rukh Khan was quoted thus this week: "One day I said 'Let's call friends over' and my kids said 'You don't have friends, Papa'." Yeooo, out of the mouth of babes come home truths. Karan Johar may sit those brats down and say, 'No, no, betey, your Papa has a whole yaaron ki baraat'. After all, K Jo's friendship with SRK has stood the test of time and gossip columnists. It is not to be put in the same league as the hug exchanged between the two Khans last Eid. The 'jhappi' between Bollywood's arch enemies made it to prime time news, but it was shown up as a mere passing fancy even before our breathless RJs had changed into their PJs.

Fame is a jealous mistress, and we are daily titillated with tidbits. Who has fallen out with whom makes a tastier morsel than who has fallen for whom. Bollywood friendships last for less time than the star's make-up. And even long-lasting ones can be felled by the smallest slight. The bigger the ego, the easier it is to wound. The latest 'Dost-dost na raha' ditty is being sung for the stars of the current wow-raker, The Lunchbox. We are told that Nawazuddin Siddiqui has gone into a 70 mm sulk because his once best friend, Irrfan Khan, was put at the centre of the film's international marketing for reasons obvious to all but the guy closest to him.

In that other illusionary world of politics, yaaron get maro-ed even faster. The daily news never lets us forget that 'there are no permanent friends or foes' in this lie-osphere. It being the Hindu BJP, we cannot say that Sushma, Murli Manohar and other naysayers recently had to 'eat humble paya', but they did have to swallow their well-documented resistance to NaMo's candidature, and stuff laddoos into his smug mug with the same enthusiasm as Rajnath and Jaitley. Remember? Arun J was once Courtier No 1 of LKA, the man most lowered by Modi's elevation. The prosecution rests its case.

Looks like true friendship is extinct everywhere. No one can recall when it was last sighted at what was once its most congenial habitat, the party. Long ago, parties stopped being parties as we once enjoyed them, and became Events: no longer a sociable gathering of friends, only a networking opportunity. Like the models who throng there, Events are the arm candy of sponsors.

Other Backless Classes are the Brahmins of this circuit where the only friends are encashable ones. For a fee, the celebrity brings her glitz equity, and co-opts her yummy chummies , who further their own glam-sham at these photo-ops. No one propositions anyone unless it's a business proposition. How boring. Why, only the other day, a corporate czar, whose name i have fittingly forgotten, drawled that he never bothers to attend a social gathering unless he's sure to find a deal lurking beneath the canapés.

There's a direct correlation between the disappearance of real friendship and the trending of the faux version among the twitterati, flitterati, chatterati and everyotherati. Even earlier, the very word 'friend' ended up in hostile company. As long ago as the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, we had that incongruity called 'friendly fire', first cousin to another war casualty, 'collateral damage'. 'Friendly fire' however had nothing to do with the later 'frenemy' which sleeps in quite another bed. We also have the 'chaddi-buddy', who presumably goes back longer than the older bosom pal, even if the former is the later expression.

Embraceable, hand-holdable, katti-with-you- able, warm-body friends have been replaced by the Facebook variety, only a click away, but a planet removed from the real thing. The BF, staple subject of the giggling classrooms of yore, has been ousted by the NBF and the FWB. If you don't know what these stand for you deserve to be un-friended forthwith.

***
Alec Smart said: "Aadhar loses its card."

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The bunkum about faster growing BJP states….

Prashant Panday
26 September 2013, 10:39 AM IST

The BJP has been making tall claims for a long time, only to be proven wrong again and again. This has earned its PM nominee the #feku tag. Yesterday, Ravi Shankar Prasad made yet another tall claim in The Mint when he said "Why is it that despite all the gloom, pessimism and lack of trust with India's growth rate plummeting to below 5%, most of the BJP ruled state governments – Gujarat, Chhatisgarh, MP and Goa – are seeing an 11% growth rate?". Made me research the subject and come out with therealtruth yet again!

The data I have used comes from the Planning Commission. It's available at http://tinyurl.com/on8pa4q. The table has data from 2004-5 onwards, hence is a convenient measure of the UPA's performance at the center. The data uses "2004-5 prices", so it eliminates the effect of inflation (many readers still don't understand that GDP growth numbers are calculated after removing the impact of inflation). Here's what the data throws up:

1)    Overall India growth: India's GDP growth over this period of 8 years is 8.5% per annum on average (CAGR). This period has been completely under UPA rule. This, as is well known, is the best period of growth India has ever seen, far higher than what the NDA government gave in the six years earlier. Let's use this number as the benchmark to figure out which states have done better than the average, and which lower.

2)    Best performing states: Those which have grown at more than a high 9% are Delhi (11.4%), Haryana (9.4%), Maharashtra (10.0%) and Goa (9.0%) – all from the Congress, Gujarat (10.1%) and Bihar (9.2%) from the BJP, TN (9.4%) of both the DMK (5 years) and AIADMK (3 years) and Uttarakhand (13.1%) shared by both the BJP (5 years) and Congress (3 years). While Goa is currently ruled by BJP (and they are making a mess of it), the data relates to the period when it was ruled by the Congress (7 out of the 8 years). In the same way, while the BJP has split from JD(U) in Bihar, I am giving it credit for it. It's clear that of the best performing states, the Congress has four, BJP has 2, and there is one shared by both.

3)  All states above All India growth rate: In addition the states mentioned in point 2) above, there are also Andhra (8.8%), Rajasthan (8.6%) and MP (8.6%) which have grown above the All India rate. Again, two of these better performing states belong to Congress, and one to the BJP.

4)    All states below All India growth rate: This list includes Assam (6%) of the Congress, Chhatisgarh (8.4%), Karnataka (8%) and Punjab (7%) of the BJP, Odisha (7.7%) of the BJD, UP (7.2%) of the SP/BSP and WB (7.2%) and Kerala (5 years of Left, 3 of Congress) of the Left. As is seen, the Congress has only one state in this list of underperforming states, and a small part of one more while the BJP has three, including…. surprise surprise…. Chhatisgarh! Another surprise is Naveen Patnaik's Odisha…..

5)    Gujarat: #Feku's tall claims about the Gujarat model need to be balanced with similar achievements of big states like Maharashtra (2 times bigger than Gujarat), Delhi (53% of Gujarat), TN (4% bigger than Gujarat), Andhra (slightly bigger than Gujarat) and Haryana (45% of Gujarat). Four out of these six states are ruled by the Congress, and only one by the BJP. These are all "big" states, part of the top 12 in the country. Gujarat is just one of so many others growing equally rapidly, but the impression Modi creates is that there is only Gujarat. Modi's bunkum is of course repeatedly proved whenver anyone just about scratches the surface – data on FDI, jobs created, and of course all the HDI indicators. Modi's smart but devilish ploy is to show an already developed state as part of his achievements, much similar to if Obama claimed the US was developed because of him (he doesn't of course)!

6)    Economic growth not the only factor: Low growing states like Assam, Chhatisgarh, Odisha and Punjab have seen long-lasting governments, while high growth states like Goa, Rajasthan, TN and Uttarkhand have seen flip-flops. This clearly shows that while economic growth matters (low growth states like Karnataka, Kerala, UP and WB see regular government changes, while high growth ones like AP, Bihar, Delhi, Gujarat, Haryana, MP and Maharashtra have seen long lasting governments), it is not the only thing. Assam's tryst with peace has worked for the Congress, Odisha's focus on tribal inclusivenss has worked for BJD and so on.

The Economic Times recently debunked the BJP's tall claims as well. In its 24^th September issue, the paper quotes Shivraj Singh Chouhan, CM of MP as saying "Even in this 4.5% (the assumed national GDP growth rate now), the main contribution is from the BJP-ruled states like Madhya Pradesh, which are growing at double-digit growth of over 10% consistently. BJP ruled states have done more development than anyone else. Nobody can dispute these facts.". Well, the paper does dispute these facts when it says "Based on GDP numbers for 2011-12 (the last year for which state GDP figures are available), the six BJP-ruled states at that time (Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Karnataka, MP, Uttarakhand & HP) accounted for only 25.45% of growth. In comparison, the six Congress-ruled states (AP, Assam, Haryana, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Goa) accounted for 37.36% of growth.".

Besides where do these guys get the 10% (Shivraj Singh) and 11% (Ravi Shankar Prasad) numbers from? These are blatantly wrong numbers. It's not even as if they have done this well in this most recent year. Chhatisgarh grew by 8%, Gujarat by 8.5% and only MP by 11.8%. Are BJP leaders lying?

The real truth is that the BJP is wrong about economic data all the time. Does it do it intentionally?  Maybe that is why the people of the country don't trust the party. It was voted out in 2004 when it made similar bogus claims of "India shining". The party also has this peculiar habit – of using PR to create an impression of extreme support for itself – but it gets fooled into believing this rubbish itself!

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India, personally

Beena Sarwar
26 September 2013, 03:23 PM IST

Going by the media hype amplifying the statements of Indian politicians you'd be forgiven for thinking that all of India wants to go to war with Pakistan. Or, at the very least, have nothing to do with its troublesome western neighbour. You'd be dead wrong, going by the Indians I have encountered.

No, I'm not talking about the traditional peace activists, bleeding heart liberals with emotional ties to the other side because that's where their forefathers migrated from, people whose parents or grandparents studied at Kinnaird or Government College, or who have a nostalgia for Lahore, or who had homes and lands in Sialkot, Jhelum or other Punjabi towns or villages.

I'm talking about youth like Nikhil, all of 22 years old. No nostalgia, no ties to what is now Pakistan. Dressed in red reindeer patterned sweatpants and a red Polo t-shirt, he came to meet me in Delhi with a mutual friend, only because he wanted to "meet a Pakistani". He had never come across one before.

What did he think about happenings at the Line of Control (this was mid-August, when tensions were at their peak). He didn't really know much about all that, he said (obviously either didn't watch much TV or was impervious to the rants featured in the media). After a little small talk, he took off. I was clearly not quite the alien species he was perhaps subconsciously expecting. This is not to poke fun at him. After all, the first time he visited India as a young cricketer, even Imran Khan thought Indians would have horns on their heads, as he admitted in a talk in Delhi years later.

There's a whole new generation of Indians out there like Nikhil, who have no ties, emotional or physical, to the area that became Pakistan. Many of them are not Punjabis either. They are all over the country. Not just Delhi or Amritsar, but Kanyakumari, Hyderabad, Kerala, Kolkata, Vadodara... And they want peace. They want to travel, to sample food from the other side, to shop and to make friends.

Consider the recent journey of the Delhi University Students for Peace. They set out from Kanyakumari in the southern most tip of India, cycling through the hinterland, stopping to rest at ashrams, dharamshalas and schools in small towns and villages along the way. Their slogan: "We love our neighbour Pakistan". School children along the way cheered them on and made peace flags and signs for them. And some pretty high powered leaders lent them support - even BJP strongman and Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi gave them a letter applauding their mission. Delhi chief minister Sheila Dixit met them and hosted them at a reception.

But never mind those who met them under the glare of the media and may have been trying to make political capital. What about the thousands of ordinary people they met along the way - they got at least 5,000 signatures for their cause. Had the kind of hostility amplified by the media existed at the grassroots level, they would certainly have encountered it. And yet, they only received overwhelming support and goodwill. What does this say about the mood that is projected in the media?

Of course there are elements in India that are hostile to Pakistan and want either aggressive action or at least nothing to do with it. Those who vandalised the Pakistani (and Indian) artists' paintings in Ahmedabad. Those who attacked the 'Dosti bus' from Delhi to Lahore. Those who are calling out to "teach Pakistan a lesson". Do they not have their counterparts (and worse) in Pakistan too? These extremists - in Pakistan, 'fasadis' not jihadis - cannot in any way be considered representative of the people of India and Pakistan as a whole. Yet they are the ones who make it to the news headlines.

It's a sign of political maturity that the leadership of both countries is not taking the bait of the ultra right on either side, and that the Prime Ministers are going ahead with their meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York this month. They may not accomplish much, or resolve any outstanding issues, but as Ali Sardar Jafri wrote, "Guftugu band na ho, Baat se baat chaley..." - let the dialogue continue.

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Taliban’s war isn’t on a religion, sect but on humanity

Sameer Arshad
25 September 2013, 05:34 AM IST

The Peshawar church bombing left behind a familiar trail of death and destruction the north-western Pakistani city seems to have learnt to live with for years.

Once known for its cultural vibrancy that has given Bollywood some of its finest actors, Peshawar is now a terror scarred city, which has taken the brunt of frequent Taliban attacks over the last few years.

The latest attack in the city was particularly brutal as it targeted the marginalised and impoverished Christian community and left 80 men, women and children dead in the most barbaric fashion. The attackers struck when the worshippers were lining up for food after finishing their prayers.

The attack is significant as it comes days after Pakistan offered to have talks with the Taliban and is seen as the government's failure to protect minorities.

But the Pakistani state has failed to protect its citizens irrespective of their ethnic, religious and sectarian affiliations in this brutal war -- without any rules -- the Taliban have waged to overthrown the state.

Shias – roughly over 10% of the population -- and Hazaras particularly have been the worst sufferers of  Taliban's savagery. Hundreds of them have been killed most brutally in the country that a Shia, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, had founded for 'subcontinent's minorities'.

The majority among Sunni Muslim sects in Pakistan – Barelvis or Ahle Sunnat wal Jamaat – have not been immune to the attacks either even as they account for roughly 60% of Pakistan.

At least 50 devotees were killed and over 200 wounded when two suicide bombers blew themselves up at Sufi Saint Syed Ali Hajwaria's shrine in Lahore in July 2010.

The attackers struck on a Thursday evening when Sufi shrines attract the maximum number of devotees while Yousaf Raza Gilani, a descendent of a Sufi saint, was the Prime Minister.

Cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan started his election campaign earlier this year from the saint's shrine while Sharif had concluded his electioneering there ahead of his historic victory. This explains the extent of devotion these melting pots command. But the Taliban have shown no respect to religious sensitivities.

Earlier, Sufi saint Rehman Baba's shrine was bombed near Peshawar in March 2009. Three years later, at least 10 people were killed in an attack on the shrine of Karachi's patron saint Abdullah Shah Gazi.

Muslims across the world and particularly in South Asia revere Sufi saints as Islamic missionaries, who spread the message of love, peace and compassion.
The Taliban have not even spared places of worship in their backyard in Pakistan's tribal northwest.

At least 55 Friday worshipper, including children, were killed and nearly 100 injured when a suicide bomber blew himself up inside a mosque in Darra Adam Khel in November 2010. Many were killed after they were buried under the ceiling of the mosque that caved in after the bombing.

Over a dozen Friday worshipper were killed in attacks on two mosques in the Malakand division. The second mosque's roof caved and many people were buried under the rubble in a series of attacks in the run-up to the national elections in May.

Friday congregation prayers have special significance for Muslims and signify Islamic egalitarianism.

Yet these things have meant little to the Taliban, who are blinded by the pre-Islamic tribal code of revenge and honour. They often cite American drone attacks as the reason for such attacks, but no excuse can ever justify killing of innocent civilians  not even remotely connected to the US. 

Even the country's influential armed forces and the ISI have seemed helpless in dealing with the menace. A major general, a brigadier, two lieutenant colonels and two majors were among 40 people killed in a gun and bomb attack on Friday worshippers at a mosque near Pakistan's army headquarters in Rawalpindi in December 2009. The dead included 17 children.

The more audacious attacks on military installations included the ones on the army headquarters, Kamra air base near Islamabad and Karachi's Mehran naval base.

The civilian victims of Taliban terror include high profile clerics, who were silenced for daring to oppose them. A suicide bomber killed cleric Mufti Sarfraz Ahmed Naeemi in June 2009 for condemning the Taliban's actions as un-Islamic. Scholar and ex-Jamaat-e-Islami member, Javed Ahmad Ghamadi, was forced into exile for echoing similar views.

The shooting of 14-year-old Pashtun child rights activist Malala Yousafzai remains Taliban's most cowardly act of terror.

But the October 2009 Mina Bazar bombing in Peshawar remains among the worst attack on civilians mostly women. At least 137 people were killed and over 200 wounded in the car bombing at the market that women and children frequent.

Almost as many people were killed as Benazir Bhutto had a narrow escape in an attack on her motorcade in Karachi upon her return to Pakistan in October 2007.  The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) leader was eventually assassinated in Rawalpindi three months later in an attack blamed on the Taliban.

The loose coalition of criminal, terrorist groups have killed dozens of workers and leader mostly belonging to the PPP, Muttahida Quami Movement and Frontier Gandhi's Awami National Party. Even Imran Khan, accused of being soft on the Taliban, has lost at least two legislators to Taliban violence.

In the tribal areas, the Taliban's brainwashed and misguided suicide bombers have butchered even tribal elders opposed to them.

The elders have traditionally been an important pillar of authority along with the political agents and clergy in the tribal areas. The brutalities of the Taliban have demolished these structures.

The western media may call the Taliban 'Islamist' but the apt Islamic terms for them are Kharjites and Takfiris, who have targeted all Muslims except those of their ilk after having first rebelled against the Prophet's companion, Caliph Usman, and even killing him.

They branded a number of the Prophet's companions as infidels. Some of the Kharjites were brought back into the mainstream Islamic fold due to the efforts of Caliph Imam Ali. But a majority of Kharijites did not mend their ways and have continued targeting fellow Muslims and others for centuries..

Islam has a long history of resisting beasts like the Taliban, which pose the greatest danger to the faith more than any real or imagined enemy.

As the church bombing has highlighted again, the Taliban are unfit for any civilized engagement with a democratically elected government voted to power after the highest turnout ever in the country.

They pose an existential threat to Pakistan and the policy of appeasement reflected in the talks offer could only end up strengthening them with more disastrous consequences even beyond the country's borders.

Sharif's statement that his government would be unable to 'proceed with the talks' in the aftermath of the church bombings is a positive development.
But it is not going to be sufficient. Sharif's dream of making Pakistan the 'Asia tiger' with focus on economy and peace with the neighbours is unlikely to fructify as long as Taliban brutes are allowed to overrun the country.

The Prime Minister has to follow words with decisive action before it is too late as the Taliban's war is not on a religion, sect, race or a nationality. It is a war on humanity and deserves a fitting response. It is now or never.

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Work on SC observations…..but expand Aadhar even more

Prashant Panday
25 September 2013, 08:49 AM IST

The SC has made a few caustic observations about the Congress's ambitious Aadhar program. While no one can fault the specific observations made by the Apex court, the SC could have used language that encouraged this progressive initiative of the government. It needn't have looked like a rebuke (The TOI yesterday reported "The Supreme Court on Monday dealt a crippling blow to the UPA's showpiece Aadhaar scheme"). Rather than getting disheartened, the government must work on the SC's observations and make Aadhar all-pervasive.

One of the rulings made by the SC is that the Aadhar card should only be given to Indian citizens. This is perfectly right. After all, if the purpose of Aadhar is to identify Indians, it should only be given to Indians. The Social Security card in the US is given only to Americans after all, right? The reality is that this ruling hardly affects the actual program. The number of illegal immigrants is rather limited – a few millions, largely from Bangladesh, and largely limited to the East/North-East. Putting a process of verification of Indian citizenship may be cumbersome, but its not such a difficult thing to do. The government must develop new means, not relying only on the police (which we know is inefficient), of identifying citizenship.

The other observation is that the Aadhar card should be voluntary. This means that the government cannot deny the benefits of its subsidy programs to those who do not opt for the card. This also is fair, given that in a democracy, sharing personal information like biometrics should be voluntary. However, this ruling is also not a problem, for if the government links cash dole-outs to Aadhar, there is an in-built incentive for the poor to enroll. Who doesn't want cash in hand, instead of the poor service and sub-standard grains he gets at a PDS shop?

Why I am saying that the SC should have used encouraging language is because of the massive benefits that it brings for the country. If anything, it is an example of exemplary governance. India would be ahead of even developed countries with this program. One of the biggest benefits that has already been highlighted enough is that of cutting wasteful subsidies. Today, many beneficiaries avail of a higher quota of foodgrains than they are eligible for, by faking the identities of others. With a biometric card, this would become a thing of the past, cutting subsidies dramatically (by some estimates, by 25-50%).

But there are at least three other major benefits that the Aadhar programme achieves.

First, it is a bold move to cut corruption out of the entire PDS system. With payment being routed directly into the beneficiary's bank a/c, there is no role left for middlemen. The PDS shopkeeper who routinely diverts foodgrains to the market for profit will be unable to do so, as beneficiaries will buy their requirements in the open market. In the case of MNREGA payments, the role of the contractor would be substantially reduced (though it will continue to exist, because the contractor would still be the one certifying the work done by a beneficiary). Ditto in other government schemes, where concepts like "facilitation fees" and "speed money" account for a bulk of the corruption.

Second, and no one has pointed this out, is the impact that biometrics will have on solving crime. Every criminal leaves behind tell-tale signs of his act. Investigators can lift finger-prints from most crime scenes. The problem is that these finger-prints are useless without a database of finger-prints of all citizens of the country. With Aadhar, that becomes a reality. In the future, every finger-print lifted from a crime scene can be identified, thanks to Aadhar. Most crimes would get solved. Our investigation work would be better – hence the innocent won't have to suffer. More importantly, the real criminals will be put behind bars with a definite certainty.

Third, Aadhar's role in social inclusiveness is unparalleled. My own driver finally managed to open his bank account in SBI with his Aadhar card. Now I can pay him by cheque or electronic transfer, bringing his finances into the open. He is kicked about having a debit card, and if he starts paying more using his card, our economy will become more "documented". The benefits to him, in terms of safety of cash, availability whenever he wants it, being able to earn interest, etc are huge. Transferring money across states – like all migrants do to their families in the villages – becomes easy. Also, since most people already have mobile phones, the advantages of mobile phone banking could be brought to them.

That's why I get upset when politics enters this vital transformational agenda of the government. The BJP hates Aadhar because it knows that it is proof of the Congress's commitment to the poor. And a sign of good governance. BJP supporters (readers of my blog) make inane comments like "the photo is of poor quality" or "the card looks trashy" when they comment on Aadhar. Other critics have pointed out the several start-up problems that the government has faced in is Direct Benefits Transfer (Cash transfers) program. But lets not forget, this is just a start. We must expect teething problems. But we shouldn't give up. The benefits are just too enormous for us to give up.

The real truth is that Aadhar is a revolutionary move. It is evidence of good governance. It should be supported by all who want to weed out corruption. It has huge benefits in reducing crime. It's impact on social inclusiveness, and the resultant transparency it brings out, is profound. We must support the program, not politicize it….

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Here is the reason why Nokia and BlackBerry died

Javed Anwer
25 September 2013, 02:04 PM IST

Technically, they are not dead, yet.

Irrespective of whether Microsoft closes the Nokia deal or not, the Nokia brand will continue to survive, at least for another few years. But it is unlikely that we will see a new Nokia-branded phone again after the end of this year.

For BlackBerry, the picture is even better. Even if it is acquired by Fairfax, there is a chance that brand BlackBerry will survive for a while.

But, practically, Nokia and BlackBerry are finished. The BlackBerry and Nokia that you and I knew are gone. They had their glory days. They ruled the market. They sold products that millions used. Those days are gone.

So what killed Nokia and BlackBerry? I am sure books will be written on their demise and they will be held as examples of how empires crumble. But I can tell you in one line where they went wrong:

This is what I tweeted in June 2011. The 'phone mode' killed Nokia and BlackBerry.

When Apple introduced iPhone in 2007, it didn't set out to sell a phone. Nokia and BlackBerry were making fantastic phones. They were unbeatable. So Apple changed the rules of the game. It side-stepped the battle. To take over the world, it didn't create a phone that was also smart, something that BlackBerry, Nokia and even Microsoft were doing. It created a smart device that was also a phone.

The iPhone that Steve Jobs introduced in 2007 was a small and pocketable computer. It was not very powerful. But at its heart, it was a computer. Primarily it was meant to calculate and process data, the way computers do, to carry out tasks. It could run apps, or in other words programs. The fact that it could also connect to cellular network and make calls was just the icing on the cake.

A year later, Android not only followed in the footsteps of iPhone but also expanded on the idea of pocketable computers. It was even more flexible, like modern computers, and allowed a user to do more, the way computers do.

Since then, both Apple and Google have tirelessly worked to make iPhones and Android devices more and more powerful. They have added to what their devices can do. They worked to enable more powerful hardware in iPhones and Androids. Nowadays, a good Android phone or iPhone can handle many of those tasks that earlier required a laptop. You can browse web, edit office documents, edit images or videos, play 3D games and watch FullHD videos on an Android phone.

Recently, when Apple introduced iPhone 5, it said, "The A7 chip in iPhone 5S brings 64-bit desktop-class architecture to a smartphone for the first time."

Think about "desktop-class architecture" that I have highlighted.

Nokia and BlackBerry failed to grasp this. Even years after iPhone was introduced, they were still trying to compete in the market with phones that have smart features. They stood no chance. They required small computers that could make calls.

Nowadays, calling or texting using cellular network is just one of the tasks people do with a phone. In fact, for many, these are very low-priority tasks. For most consumers, more important is how well a smartphone can tackle web browsing. Or how well it can play videos. Or how well it can run games. Or how well it can run apps like WhatsApp and Facebook. The devices sold by Nokia and BlackBerry excelled at making calls. But they were not very good at some of these other things.

BlackBerry realized this, albeit late, and tried to turn its fortunes around with BB10. Unfortunately, by the time BB10 came to the market in 2012, it was already too late for the company.

Nokia, meanwhile, tried to hitch a ride with Microsoft and went all out with Windows Phone. It could have succeeded but I have a theory why it has so far failed.

Microsoft is a company that thrives on the traditional computer market. The small and pocketable computers are a threat to its core market. So even though it developed Windows Phone to take on the iPhones and Androids, its heart has not been there. Windows Phone is utterly gimped and lacks in features. And Microsoft has been excruciatingly slow in updating the OS.

Compared to iOS and Android, Windows Phone still looks like a feature phone operating system. Yes, a feature phone OS that has a beautiful user interface and some smart functionality.

Unless Microsoft significantly overhauls the Windows Phone, it will not find any decent number of buyers in the market.

It is sad to see companies like Nokia and BlackBerry, the alpha dogs in their time, to go like this. Unfortunately, they had not only been complacent in the wake of iPhone, they utterly failed to understand the true nature of the device we called smartphone. They had it coming. 

Follow Javed Anwer on Twitter

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Pablo Bartholomew: Coded elegance at India International Centre

Uma Nair
24 September 2013, 01:00 PM IST

The year was 2000 and Jyotindra Jain had hung an unforgettable show by my classmate Pablo Bartholomew. The show was called "The Nagas - Marked with Beauty" –it was about the Naga tribes of Nagaland, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh and the Venue was the  Crafts Museum at Pragati Maidan.

Alas I was unable to get images and write about it-but today at the IIC Pablo has hung a few classic images from his culled collection and what an experience it is-it doesn't brim the margins of eulogy but it is a son's search-his quest for his father's roots.

Many moons ago one Christmas day Pablo had visited my home for a meal with the wonderful Francis Newton Souza and he had brought a beauteous Naga maiden with him. And Pablo started talking about his sojourn with the Nagas and their connections through his father's many tales (the art critic Richard Bartholomew).

At that time Pablo had said: "Together with other Burmese, my father and his family left Myanmar for India during World War II. They walked through Yangon (Rangoon) and Mandalay, and ended up at Ledo in the northeastern hills of  Assam. Upon meeting the Naga people, my father's family were treated with great hospitality and kindness. They were given shelter and food. And when there times of no food in the village, animals or birds would be slaughtered for them. As a little boy I grew up listening to these bedtime stories that my father told. However unreal my ideas of the Naga people might have been, there were certain images that I had conjured up since I was a kid. And when I went to shoot the past was so much a part of my psyche that it was uncanny."

Francis Newton Souza sat stunned and fascinated and as they gorged on Kerala cuisine cooked by me, Pablo told us about his fascination for borders." India maintains such a long political boundary with other countries that it's hard not to be interested in borders-there is something so elusive and so historical about borders. I also noticed that more often than not, in these areas, cultures are never fixed or stagnant."

Today so many years hence, this show is more than a documentary tale of the hidden tribe from the North East. It is more a journey that spells the poignancy of elegy and the energy of primitive nuances that bring back the ethos of time past being time present.

While some aspects of the Nagas' animistic religious traditions remain, two-thirds of Nagas are Christians, reflecting the strong, influential presence of Baptist missionaries beginning in the late 1800s, who encouraged a complete break from many Naga traditions. Headhunting was once a custom central to all Naga tribes: warring tribes would use their enemies' heads in religious ceremonies, particularly fertility rites. Headhunting was eventually banned by the ruling British in the 1930s, but megaliths, which were erected each time a head was taken to symbolize martial power and virility, still stand in Naga villages.

"Coded Elegance" constitutes a mere fragment of Bartholomew's extensive visual anthropological documentation of the various tribes and  people residing in the low Himalayan hills and valleys of Northeast India— a people whose lives are marked by tradition and transition. The series,  an off shoot of "Marked with Beauty," his 2000 exhibition of rich, color photographs  of the many Naga tribes, explores his journey and interaction with tribes in Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, and Nagaland—diverse communities with as many as 50 different  languages—as well as the people inhabiting the valleys in that region. The preservation of their traditional cultures articulated through their dress, rituals, and rites of passage, forms the overarching subject of "Coded Elegance."

"This spectacular coded sense of dress, which incorporates self-woven fabric, peculiar headdresses adorned with animal parts, jewellery made from beads, brass, and silver ornaments, markings on the body and face tattoos, are functions of their  traditions that often make contemporary fashion seem banal, flippant, and pedestrian," says Bartholomew about his curatorial intent behind the series which will have its India debut on September 24 at the India International Centre.

"Going beyond the vivid colors and graphic beauty of the textiles used, and the accompanying ornamentation, there exists an unwritten code; a visual language that governed who wore what and what it signified. This attire, derived from animist and shaman practices, comes from the deep relationship these tribes and people of the valley share with the lands and environments they inhabit. Their rites and rituals are a celebration of an amazing, nuanced grace and sophistication."

The show is dedicated to Bartholomew's friend and fellow photographer, Prabuddha Dasgupta who died on August 12 last year, and is an attempt at  dialogue with Dasgupta's fashion photography.

Two Yimchunger women with a Khang (cane basket) , Kuttur village, Tuensang Dist. Nagaland

Thang-Ta is a traditional Meitei martial art form that originated in Manipur as a response to the threat of foreign invasion and even for dealing with internal conflict. A graceful, sophisticated art, despite its vigorous nature, the practice derives its name from the words thang, which means sword, and ta, which translates to spear, although it had earlier names like Huyen Langlon (Huyen means war, while Langlon means net, or art, or knowledge) or Huyen Lallong.

A Maring tribe choir and dance troupe, with their drum and gong are Naga tribal group and are closest to the Burmese border. Chandel District, Manipur

 

A Mishmi man wearing a woven jacket with elaborate designs.The Mishmis occupy the hills from the Dihong to the Brahmakund, in the north-eastern corner of the Brahmaputra valley.

This is one of the most spectacular headdresses amongst all the Naga tribes worn by the Tangkhuls of both India and Myanmar (Burma). Intermarriage still exists between the Northern Tangkhuls of Manipur in India and the Somra Nagas of Burma. The headdress is adorned with hornbill feathers, a brass dish and fringes of human hair. The jaw-piece is made of wood embedded with  red and white seeds.

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Mumbai 24/7: A fearless idea

Pritish Nandy
24 September 2013, 10:31 AM IST

It was an idea waiting to be pitched: Mumbai 24/7. And young Aaditya Thackeray has pitched it eloquently. This pleases me for two reasons.

One: It stands that much a better chance of getting past the Sena-dominated BMC.
Two: This is exactly the kind of idea that negates the simplistic view that a city's nightlife is a serious security hazard.
The truth is: The wickedest crimes and the most cowardly acts of terror happen in this city in broad daylight. Check out the stats if you don't believe me.

Yet we persist in this obtuse belief. Just as we persist in the equally obtuse belief that if women stopped wearing jeans and tees and gave up smoking and drinking, or if item numbers were banned in movies, rapes would miraculously stop. Or if dance bars are forced to down their shutters, all men will go home to their wives after sundown. Luckily, life doesn't quite work like that and the most decadent ideas are not always the ones people fall for. Not even the stupidest people. So, even though the khaps and Sri Ram Senas strive to compete with the mullahs to make our lives difficult, their wins are actually few, very few.

The very idea of Mumbai regaining its identity as the city that never goes to sleep excites me to no end. No, I am not an insomniac. But, like Aaditya, I have always believed that Mumbai and New York have the same indomitable spirit. New Yorkers refused to yield to fear post 9/11. They have shown not only resilience but hard-nosed courage by not allowing a bunch of brain-dead terrorists to dictate to them how they should live their lives. So the city has chosen the exact opposite path. It is more exciting, more liberated today than it ever was. That's what makes it so special. And Mumbai, more than any other Indian city, celebrates that same liberal spirit. So why not keep it going 24/7?

It's not enough to allow just eateries to stay open at night, though that would be great beginning. It would be nice if we could get a bite of non 5 star food post a shoot or a late night at office. Shops, chemists, gyms, spas, bookshops, cinema halls, music concerts, everything that make for a vibrant nightlife should be open so that we can return to what we once were, a truly world class city. That was before our moral guardians destroyed our spunk and joie de vivre. Aaditya has another clever idea up his sleeve. He wants the entire city wired. Like Singapore. Again, Wi-Fi is not a security threat. You cannot resist technology out of fear that some people will misuse it. A wired city is a connected city, a safer city, an infinitely more efficient city and a greener city. It will also ease the pressure on Mumbai's overburdened infrastructure.

I also like this new language of politics, shorn of old shopworn clichés, unfounded fears, and the doomsday rhetoric that has long been a part of our political discourse.  It's time we realised that freedom has its own checks and balances. What matters is the return of liberal ideas, going back to what we once were, a feisty, strong-willed, fearless city. I know that city because I came here thirty years ago and never returned. Mumbai, or Bombay as it was then known, did not just change my life, it changed me. Its impudence, its mendacity, its greed, its arrogance, its callousness, all the stuff I hated it for, I discovered subsequently was part of its charm. It taught me never to judge others, to respect their freedom as I fiercely hold on to mine. I fell in love with the city's impossible allure. Nothing else mattered. The crumbling infrastructure. Bad roads. Overcrowded trains. An overpriced lifestyle that drove everyone to work even harder. And the embarrassing bling.

Everyone here loves to work, to show the world that he or she is the best at what they do. They love to boast, bluff, show off, sizzle. And now, if Aaditya's proposal gets past the gatekeepers, as I hope it does, we can once again regain our city and show the world that we are unafraid. We can deal with freedom. We can deal with terrorism. We can deal with the night as we deal with the day. And India's commercial capital will earn more, provide more jobs to its citizens, and assist the battle against slowdown.

Wouldn't that be the best answer to 26/11?

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Young India is driving the e-commerce revolution

Rajiv Dabhadkar
24 September 2013, 02:48 PM IST

Here are some exciting statistics - India has more than 50% of its population below the age of 25 and more than 65% below the age of 35. (Source: Wikipedia) We have more than 125 million Internet users and are one of the top three fastest growing markets in the world. Just last year alone, India had 18 million new internet subscribers compared to the 14 million in China.

And a new a study conducted by the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India (ASSOCHAM) and comScore predicts an even faster growth - reaching 330 million to 370 million users in the next two years, making India the second largest audience after China.

But even though the present Internet users account for only about 10 percent to 12 percent of India's total population of 1.2 billion, the Internet boom in India is already evident.

Yes, it is evident that young India is driving the country's e-commerce. India will have 130 million mobile Internet users by March 2014, a big jump from the 87 million users in December 2012 (Source: Wikipedia)

So what drives this accelerated growth? - Disposable incomes; a young and educated population; rising use of social media and technology; increasing Internet penetration - reaching into smaller cities and the evolution of the online marketplace model. 

The next five to 10 years promise a big opportunity in online commerce because of the young India who are going online with their iPads, mobile phones and smart phones, and this method of interacting with one another is becoming a habit for most of them.

The Internet penetration however has created new business opportunities, prompting several new start-ups as well as existing businesses to enter the online market. 

Over the last decade, the Indian ecommerce has seen a gradual shift from being a sector driven purely by the online travel business to one with many different verticals and niche segments. The online retail market in India is expected to reach Rs 70 billion by 2015 from the Rs 20 billion market in 2011.

When I did some research trying to find how the new ecommerce wave is being developed, the message was clear – Internet opportunities were not limited to traditional ecommerce alone. A new business environment – mobile commerce, or m-commerce – could have a far-reaching effect given the extent of mobile use in India. And the growing segment in this space appears to be the gems and jewellery industry. 

I observed that even though at a nascent stage, while the contribution of online business to overall sales still remains minuscule, the prospects for India's online jewellery market certainly look bright as the number of people shopping online is growing steadily.

As going online seems to be the mantra for branded jewellers in India - with only about 10% of branded jewellery sales happening online, the success and growth prospects of online jewellery retail store has already made premium jewellery brands to jump onto the e-commerce bandwagon, and selling their inventories online seems to be a growing trend. 

Online jewellery retailer CaratLane received $6 million (Rs 33 crore) as investment from private equity major Tiger Global last year and targets a revenue of Rs 100 crore this year. Online jewellery start-up Bluestone reportedly raised Rs 25 crore from Accel Partners. E-franchises of such online sellers may just be the next frontier.

Voylla, a one-stop shop for designer jewellery and accessories, has raised Rs. 2.5 crore from Pune-based Snow Leopard Technology Ventures, a division of Kirloskars and shows a far rapid growth Started by two ex-Amazonians in 2012, Voylla.com offers a variety of jewellery, including gold-plated metal or pure sterling silver set with gemstones and diamonds. 

As the online commerce grows, jewellers have adopted newer strategies for customer retention. Offering an attractive collection of jewellery designs; different price points; certified jewellery; exceptional customer service; and the option of cash on delivery (COD). Likes of Caratlane, Jewelskart and Bluestone are also present in the space. However Voylla has relied on customer service, quick delivery and an interesting array of offers to grab a quick marketshare. And these strategies, I found, gives a competitor an edge over the others.

But what about the touch and feel factor that is very crucial for Indians when buying jewellery? The online platform lacks this entirely and overcoming this barrier is not easy. So what should you do, even though COD is an option? 

To an online business, where the experience of human interaction becomes important, a good customer service is a vital aspect. Businesses need to establish a good channel of communication with the customer while selling online. Here again, Voylla offers a lifetime exchange and a 30-day no-questions-asked return policy to overcome the touch and feel barrier.

For companies like Voylla, customer retention and repeat orders seem to be the focus. And the primary factor to be successful in this area is to create goodwill, which comes by good product, good pricing, good customer service and brand equity. 

In India, Jewellery is the largest selling product on eBay India. And the online jewellery retail in India has a huge market opportunity. And for companies like Voylla however, the growth is at 250-300% year-on-year with close to 5,000 orders a month. And these figures will only see a rise as Young India goes for shopping online.

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