Nice guys are happy but earn less

Rajiv Dabhadkar
30 December 2013, 03:01 PM IST

You probably have heard this before "Nice people finish last" and perhaps have experienced it as well - watching pushy, inconsiderate individuals get the job you wanted or have received the romantic attention of someone you have been pining for. It didn't seem fair, did it? 

If you have observed this rare breed, called 'nice people', closely and understood what they had to offer --integrity, compassion, protection, support, passion, & possibly lots more, you'd be confused; why, despite having these attributes, are they simply walked over and cast aside in everyday relationships!

Look inside an office and you'll see that you don't have to be 'the boss' to take on a leadership role. If you are one with the most experience in a certain skill, you'll have, at least in a few key moments, the opportunity to become the 'leader' and guide your team. That's a no brainer right there, isn't it?

Psychological studies in this area have been fascinating. They have helped us understand the connect between the ability to lead, when necessary, and the achievement of professional success; taunting us to the ever unanswered question: Do nice guys really finish last in life?

Though difficult to predict, evidence shows that 'nice guys' typically earn less than their more aggressive colleagues. And while you may agree, aggressive people are often perceived as 'jerks', studies do not suggest that you become one to get ahead in life, rather they suggest that highly agreeable men need to watch the outcome of their assertiveness when it comes to their work. Especially, assertiveness, that relates more closely to taking on the role of a 'leader'.

Let's analyze why this happens and what you - the nice guy, can do about it.

With research proving, at least statistically, that nice guys earn less than their aggressive peers, it shows a strong negative relationship between  'agreeableness' and the income for men. The more agreeable a person is, the lesser will be the earnings!

In everyday life, outside of the workplace, the being 'agreeable' trait is considered as a positive characteristic - of being warm, sympathetic, kind and cooperative. When the nice guy is an agreeable person, he is an ideal person to spend time with. He will allow people to come into his life, and will agree with them on everything. It's so important for people to like him, so he's Mr. Agreeable all along.

While there's nothing wrong with being nice, but when you're so nice to everyone, you stop being nice to yourself and your efforts can backfire.

This unique duality exists because disagreeable men, in competitive, work environment, are viewed as tough negotiators, and are those who stick to their vision, unfortunately though, women don't receive the same benefit in terms of how they are viewed. The general perception being - if a woman is agreeable, she may be taken advantage of, and if she is disagreeable, she is considered a control freak. Therefore, even though being 'disagreeable' may not seem too ideal a scenario, being too agreeable is viewed as a sign of weakness and perceived as a flaky personality, lacking in confidence and conviction.

But having seen that, if being an agreeable person is highly desired, how can a balance be found? Is there any direct connect between being assertive and the qualities associated with higher earnings and work-related success?

I believe the answer lies in analyzing - what fills up the high-earning positions, not just those of 'the boss' - but that of the leader.

When we begin examining the qualities of leadership as a whole, which can include men or women, we look past the gender bias, and focus on the qualities that are more universally applicable in the workplace. By examining these qualities that have strong connections with leadership, we can see where 'nice guys' may be going wrong, and find out what it really takes to lead others and advance in a competitive environment.

Let's dig deeper …

Decisiveness - When we witness someone making and sticking to their decisions, we subconsciously associate them with responsibility, and they are more likely to be perceived as leaders. Leaders often have the first-mover advantage in many decision making situations, as being one with the most conviction of creating a self-reinforcing cycle that leads to the development of certain kinds of collective beliefs within their team members.

Vision - A natural compliment to decision making, vision defines the road map, and the leader does more than just shout their opinion the loudest—they are best at articulating their thoughts one by one and justify how things are going to fall in, in a group, for instance. 

However, when we regard speaking in a group, research has found brainstorming as an ineffective method for coming up with ideas. Agreeable people can be anxious about being negatively evaluated and be apprehensive about having their thoughts judged by others, and undergo social loafing - deliberately exert less effort to achieve a goal, where the reliance is on the group for ideas instead of voluntarily putting forth their own. 

Persistence - While being persistent does emphasize on the need to convince, there are certainly some differences between the typical 'agreeable' and a persistent personality. Nice guys, the agreeable ones, use the tactic of voicing their opinion just for the sake of argument, thereby playing the devil's advocate, when they want to disagree. Although it may seem that being the devil's advocate allows nice guys to keep pushing for their opinion without hurting any feelings, often this tactic backfires, as it generally strengthens the group's opinion on the original argument!

On the other hand, the persistent person by virtue of his articulate nature, would actually be listened to much more closely and evaluated for much longer, because a majority will at least seek to understand the opposing argument, before dismissing it.

It therefore becomes imperative for nice guys to not only be persistent in their efforts towards greatness, but also need to learn 'when to hold' and 'when to fold', and if they are confident of their idea or argument, they need to push for it without trying to please everyone.

Do you agree?

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Symbolism is good, but just as a start

Rajesh Kalra
30 December 2013, 12:38 PM IST

Arvind Kejriwal has made all the right noises after being sworn in as the Chief Minister of Delhi. His climb to the post of the CEO of Delhi has rattled (and shattered) many. Many still find it unbelievable that a party as old as mere six months could form the government in a symbolically important place as the national capital, that too just months before what promises to be the most keenly fought general elections in India in the first half of 2014.

But, for him to make a real mark and for people not to lose hope in his unconventional style of working, Arvind needs to get out of symbolism at the earliest even as he makes moves that generate confidence. Thanks to a vibrant social media who the main stream media can increasingly ill-afford to ignore, the honeymoon period in politics is fast reducing.

Among his first jobs after taking over as the CM was to effect a flurry of bureaucratic transfers. Among the nine IAS officers shuffled were the bosses of DTC and Delhi Jal Board, who swapped places. A new person was installed to look after power as well. Of course, power and water are key to his agenda and promises made to the public at large.

While any CEO has the right to effect changes to his team, one still wonders on what inputs these changes were effected on the day the new government took over. It is not possible that all this was based on some official briefing on performances of each of the officers.  It was simply too early for that to happen. So, he must have relied on advise received from people around, which is fair. For, often the reality can vary from the official record.

But the doubts still linger, because it does seem some of the input was flawed. At least two of the important changes made are of people who have a dodgy reputation and keep extremely dodgy company too. Surely, that can't be the criteria for putting people in change of important departments. And I don't think Arvind would ever put a person with such a reputation in an important position anyway.

Why I am raising this is because some things must not be rushed into, for a wrong move would be counterproductive. Proper background check is a must for any officer, even more so of those who will be critical to implementing the new government's agenda.

Then there is this issue of symbolism. Of course, there is a place for symbolism in any field, more so in politics, but that certainly cannot be the cornerstone of someone's strategy. Arvind's decision to come by metro for your oath taking ceremony was wonderful. But it would have been a lot better if he had just come using the metro without announcing it to the world the day before. The result was that the common man was troubled and any number of regular commuters couldn't get into the trains overcrowded with those who were there to either receive or merely see him. See this story that details the hardships that the common man was put through at the time (http://navbharattimes.indiatimes.com/delhi/politics/No-aam-aadmi-in-metro-with-arvind-kejriwal/articleshow/28042283.cms). Surely, that couldn't be his intention, but that can be one of the undesirable outcomes of symbolism.

Although I would love him to continue using public transport, I think that would be impractical, especially due to security issues. Whether one likes it or not, a person occupying that post, especially one who has the ability to ruffle important feathers, needs security. But Goa Chief Minister is already walking the talk in terms of austerity and use of minimum government facilities, including transportation. And one has also seen how petroleum minister Veerappa Moily uses the metro. After the initial tamasha, he has actually been using it like a common man with a minimum of fuss. (http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/randomaccess/entry/kudos-to-moily-but-don-t-make-it-a-tamasha) As a regular user of metro, I myself can vouch that there is no better way to keep your ears to the ground and in touch with real issues of the common man than traveling by public transport.

If Arvind really wants to set an example, what he needs to do is to at least make his officers walk the talk. The man who will mastermind his water issues, so critical to his overall agenda, was the chief of Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC). I can bet he never ever used the buses under his control except, perhaps for occasional photo-ops. Would be wonderful if Arvind were to make officers use what they run. Tell the DTC chief, for example, that the office car is only to be used in an emergency, else he must use the transport service he oversees, now that the buses are new and comfortable with AC. This would also encourage others and that would have a genuine multiplier effect, forcing cars off the road. Believe me, that would generate far more goodwill than any other photo-op.

The Jal board officer too needs to be told clearly that his job is to ensure quality water to residents of Delhi and not merely ensure water tankers are despatched to the powerfuls in Lutyens Delhi so that they can use up a thousand times more than an ordinary person, to water their lawns or have rain dance parties.

As for the buses, there is a precedent. When TN Seshan was the head of the bus service in Chennai at the start of the career, he would travel incognito and censure those doing wrong. Such was the impact that at one time, there was a talk that city buses were as punctual as the Swiss railways! So, where there is a will, there is a way.

As I said, symbolism has its place, but it needs to be quickly supported by a system that can let things happen. For example, this thing about a telephone number on which you can call and register your complaint is nothing new. Call centers have been doing this for years. But we also know the backlash that follows when things are not resolved. And here, there is not one, but thousands of issues that need to be tackled, for so messed up is the system.

And finally, as they get down to working towards it all, he must watch out for the arrogance that seeps into anyone having power. Already there are instances of high handedness of some cadre. Arvind has to show zero tolerance to such acts. We certainly don't want a repeat of what used to happen in West Bengal decades ago, when supporters of a particular party would be a law unto themselves with no police having the guts to take them on out of fear. 

That would take us back, not ahead. As I said, all symbolism is good, but just as a start.

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Not a Banana Republic in Mango Land

Veeresh Malik
30 December 2013, 05:07 PM IST

 

Many decades ago, when India was a country with a global standing as well as was considered to be a force to reckon with in the post-Bangladesh War and post Emergency period, my ship landed up in a port city of an economically strong country. It was a country considered to be an ally of the Western world with their imposing models on democracy, equality and the rest of it, and extremely wealthy. Even the guys who swung in to regulate our movements to and from the jetty drove up in huge Cadillacs, to give just one example, and everywhere you looked there was wealth.

Large malls, bright lights, huge roads, sprawling villas, gated communities, you name it, the place looked like what Gurgaon is made to look like in the brochures. Ofcourse, when we took a closer look at the charts and asked around, we learnt that over 3/4ths of the country, going by the quaint name "the empty quarter" when it was actually about half the land-mass of this wonderful country, was still and probably still is in the boondocks. Biblical age would have been one adjective, but kind of doesn't apply there anymore, because the status of women wasn't all that bad in those days. Especially after the Red Sea nearby kind of drained itself out near the Dwar-e-Mandir allowing the forgotten tribes to cross over, and then got flooded again.

Tsunami? Well, that's what they say, now that the name has been changed to Bab-el-Manded. And oh yes, this great country was also totally dry, no booze.

But as shippies, we for sure knew that was inside the containers being offloaded was not cough syrup and agricultural machinery, just two cargo descriptions which make the world go round as any cargo handling and load planning officer will tell you. Nor, for that matter, was the loqacious Yank cargo supervisor worried about letting people know what sort of opinion he had about his host country in the manner of one who was very free as many of his countrymen are with their opinions.

"That's one banana republic out there, and what's worse, they do it unfair and bad to their own, all those guns and booze only go for the big cahunas", he said, as he tucked into the curry-rice-meat that a post-Vietnam generation of Americans associated Indian ships globally with, "glad you guys come from a really free and emerging country, where you guys stand up for your rights". Remember, that's what we were then, free and emerging, not mango people over-run by bananas. Or the big cahunas.

And in the first flush of the post-Emergency era, yes, we were standing up for our rights. Globally.

Though I don't know where and when we lost our way on that account.

Today, in the giddy delight of the AAP victory in Delhi and the larger issue of the diplomatic upper ground we appear to be scoring vis-a-vis the Americans, it is time to remind ourselves once again that we were and have every reason to be a free and emerged country.

Means what?

Means, on one side, recognise and stand for the way India appears to be standing up to the Americans on this important issue of parity in diplomatic privileges and rights.

And on the other side, recognise and stand for the way India appears to be under the new flag of the AAP, standing up to itself on the issue of parity and equity in rights and privileges for their own people.

Because, we are not a banana republic, though some days it felt as though we were heading to becoming worse than one. Now, these two relatively unrelated episodes, give some of us hope again.

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Modi and Kejriwal: A new year’s tale of two faces

Sanjeev Ahluwalia
29 December 2013, 01:00 PM IST

Modi is the face of efficient, impersonal, big government on the pattern of China. Infrastructure development, economic growth and jobs are what this State assures. In exchange, citizens are to accept greatly constrained rights with respect to personal freedom or the public voicing of alternative sentiments. Discipline and allegiance to the party line is the leitmotif of this model.

A massive, meritocratic bureaucracy led by a charismatic and decisive leader, delivers public services to the people. It is not however a "mai-baap" colonial style government but one chosen through periodic elections. In between elections, citizens are expected to get on with their core business of living and let the constitutional apparatus (government, parliament and the judiciary) manage governance. This is quintessential top down, Weberian, technocratic governance.

The Indian model of this version of governance comes with routine misuse of government facilities for personal purposes; party expenditure on elections clearly far in excess of the limit imposed by the Election Commission; slick and opulent pandals for mammoth public meetings; the self-assured aura of a "leader" surrounded by self- important security men with guns. The fly-in fly-out schedules. The BJP is as complicit, as any other traditional party, in maintaining and growing this imperial image of big government.

At the other end of the spectrum are Kejriwal and the fledgling Aam Admi Party (AAP). He is the face of social activism and citizen centric governance. His vision of the State is as a facilitator for implementing the will of the people, ascertained not solely through elections but, to the extent possible, directly from the people between elections. Necessarily, his is a decentralized form of governance with local committees empowered to decide their affairs. The government is dis-empowered and compelled to ask the people, before taking any major decision.

The key ingredient of the Kejriwal magic is his frontal assault on corruption and the rejection of "perks" which are available to leaders today; official cars, liberal maintenance grants, opulent official homes, junkets abroad, free electricity and water etc. His personal rejection of such privileges; the symbolic travel by Metro to his swearing in; his deliberate choice of clothes, closely resembling the neighborhood vegetable vendor, all send reassuring signals to his electorate, that he is one of them.

Modi is in fact of commoner stock than Kejriwal. But long formative years spent in the network of the quasi-militarist RSS, have made him into a remote, albeit responsive figure, renowned for big public projects (Sabarmati revival, Sardar Patel Statue, 100% electrification) but in dress, speech pattern and appearance (witness his grand new office in Gandhi Nagar), very much a man who has fought his way through on merit and conquered his circumstances. A man to admire, but difficult to like.

In comparison Kejriwal exudes commonness. His speech is consciously simple and direct. His manner is warm and open, even appealing. His winning smile and shy, shrugging-off of praise and accolades, his contempt for the "Khas" (special) people dressed in a suit and tie and driving a Mercedes, instantly resonates with any one struggling to buy onions. His party consciously projects its humble beginnings, from within the people, as an organic force, a natural phenomenon, which he now ascribes to Godly assistance.  

As in the recent Delhi State elections, the BJP could be the largest single party in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Their recent sweep in State elections in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh and retention of a tribal State-Chhattisgarh, augurs well. But getting past the half way mark, even with allies, is a target as stiff as a Patiala peg.

Modi will be nearing 70 years of age by the time the next national election comes around in 2019. A rank outsider to the National Leadership of the BJP, he cannot survive till 2019 as the BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate. 2014 is a make or break year for Modi. What are most likely to break him are the antipathy of the Muslims and the Kejriwal inspired impatience of the urban common man with traditional elitist, more-of-the-same politics.

Modi may find to his dismay, Kejriwal/AAP clones cutting into his traditional, urban, vote bank of business men, professionals and the middle class, at least in the 50 large metros which have a vote share of 15% of the national electorate. Coupled with the near certain loss of the Muslim vote comprising another 15% of the national vote share, Modi will be left battling to get a 40% vote share. He will have to jostle hard with caste based and regional parties and the Congress in UP, Bihar, Haryana and Karnataka. A very tough call indeed.

My New Year's wish is a BJP plus allies national government, with a wafer thin majority to keep them on their toes and at least 20 Kejriwal/AAP clones as Members of Parliament out of the 542 seats in the Lok Sabha. This would put the AAP plus clones in the same league as the existing strength of Mulayam's Samajwadi Party (22); Bhenji's Bhujan Samaj Party (21), Didi's Trinamool Congress (19), Nitish Kumar's Janta Dal (United) (19), Karunanidhi's DMK (19), the CPM (16), Naveen Patnaik's BJD (14) and way ahead of the Shiv Sena (11), Amma's AIDMK (9) and Sharad Pawar's NCP (9).

India needs a makeover. What better than BJP, a traditional, effective, centralized, growth and jobs oriented party, for near term governance till 2019? Thereafter, scaling up of the Delhi State Government model of decentralized, citizen centric, corruption free government, being rolled out by the AAP from January 4, 2014. I earnestly hope God reads blogs.

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Does box office supersede values?

V Raghunathan
29 December 2013, 01:14 PM IST

Well, this may not be news in the 'Breaking News' category, but we are told, there are two Padma Bhushan awardees associated with Vishal Bhardwaj's Dedh Ishqiya, which is also associated with Yo Yo Honey Singh, that rapper of dubious fame  – he who as recently as last year was in the thick of infamy for having rapped his way through some of the most degrading lyrics against women imaginable, with one playing the lead and the other writing the rap for Yo Yo Singh in the film. Innumerable social media networks had registered their disgust about Yo Yo Singh's lyrics, leading to various arrest warrants and cases against the rapper. For a quite a while, the rapper remained indifferent to the allegations. But at some stage, probably realizing that this would reflect on his popularity and perhaps to save his skin from arrest warrants and cases, he issued a perfunctory denial of some of the most sickening of the lyrics.

The readers can make up their own minds about whether the lyrics in the indicated youtube links are those of Singh's or are fakes (www.youtube.com/watch?v=eaubALdNqVI;
www.youtube.com/watch?v=RpMebcJHUaI;
www.youtube.com/watch?v=pxUR_4GBN9A). 

It will help if you know some Punjabi. Incidentally, notwithstanding my South Indian name, I was born and brought up in Punjab, Haryana and Jammu, and know Punjabi as well as my mother tongue and you have my word that any decent human being will feel sickened deep in the guts. You would therefore be well advised to take my word for it, and avoid listening to these 'songs'.  Should you choose to, I am sure you will have no problem in figuring out whether these lyrics are simply 'adult' or whether they are downright debasing of women, when the need of the hour in the wake of the first anniversary of the Nirbhaya tragedy is to reverse that trend through suitable messages to the young men in the country. But yes, if the society at large determines these are merely adult lyrics and not particularly objectionable for the Padma Bhushans of the country to associate with, there is little the likes of me can say.

Now Gulzar, who is writing the lyrics for a Yo Yo Singh's number for Dedh Ishqiya for, is a poet of the highest calibre and standing – a standing that has been acknowledged by the country by awarding the second highest civilian honour to him.  And Naseeruddin Shah is universally acknowledged for his highest contribution to raising the standards of acting in Indian films. We expect so much from people like them. They are people who have not bowed to popular taste but struck their own paths.

From time to time a galaxy of Bollywood stars, (many of them also Padma Shris – not that Padma Shri means  much anymore), like Shah Rukh Khan, have been seen sharing the stage with Yo Yo Singh, with gusto.  We haven't encountered any of celebrity being critical of the likes of Yo Yo Singh.

Well, the public is supposed to have a notoriously short memory.  But even so, don't the highest awardees of civilian awards for art and culture in the country be more responsbile? Why would the highest rated celebrities who are honoured by their country for their contributions to enhancing the standards of art and culture want to be associated with the likes of Yo Yo Singh, who represents the worst attitude a society can have towards women?  One can 'understand' actors, directors and songwriters of purely commercial kind doing whatever can fetch them more money, but one is entitled to expect much more from those who have a proven background of being above the 'popular' tastes of which the Yo Yo Singhs of the world are the representatives.

No, I am neither prudish, nor unduly conservative, nor Victorian.  But I am indeed amused by the duplicity of a society that pretends to regard even personal attitude towards sexuality as taboo, but is fine with lyrics utterly degrading of women in the public domain. Talking of women, even Madhuri Dixit (another Padma Shri awardee) is part of the Dedh Ishqiya project.  One wonders why these heavy weights did not put any pressure on Vishal Bhardwaj not to involve the likes of Yo Yo Singh with the project.  Where is their sense of responsibility to the mores of the nation? Well, sure one does not have to wear one's personal values and mores on one's sleeves, but surely the top artistes of the country have a higher role of responsibility in shaping the values of a society? Or is it that now that the first anniversary of Nirbhaya is behind us, we no longer need to be concerned about such dialogues?

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Around the world in photos: December 22 - 28

Team TOI
29 December 2013, 01:35 PM IST

Every week, we bring you a roundup of the best photos from around the world. Let us know which is your favorite in the comments section and check again next week for new images.

David Nugent of Leiester City chases a squirrel off the pitch after play was delayed during the Sky Bet Championship match between Queens Park Rangers and Leicester City at Loftus Road in London, England. (Photo by Paul Gilham/Getty Images)

More than 1,000 volunteers clad in Santa Claus costumes throw their hats in the air as they gather to deliver gifts for the poor in downtown Seoul, South Korea. (AP Photo/Lee Jin-man)

A couple poses under an illuminated tunnel to celebrate the upcoming Christmas and New Year at Garden of Morning Calm in Gapyeong, South Korea. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

A young Emirati boy holds his falcon at the Liwa desert, 220 kms west of Abu Dhabi, on the sidelines of the Mazayin Dhafra Camel Festival. The festival, which attracts participants from around the Gulf region, includes a camel beauty contest, a display of UAE handcrafts and other activities aimed at promoting the country's folklore. (AFP PHOTO/KARIM SAHIB)

A woman holding her baby walks across embers during a fire walking ceremony to pray for good health and safety life at Kabasan Saenazumi Jinja shrine in Sakuragawa City, Ibaraki Prefecture. The shrine held the festival every year on the day of the winter solstice. (AFP PHOTO / KAZUHIRO NOGI)

Visitors walk past a giant snow sculpture ahead of the 30th Harbin Ice and Snow Festival in Harbin, Heilongjiang province. The festival kicks off on January 5, 2014. (REUTERS/Sheng Li)

Computers and outdated electronic gadgets that have been smashed sit on a carpet during 'Good Riddance Day' in Times Square in New York. Good Riddance Day, inspired from a Latin American tradition, is an opportunity for New Yorkers say good-bye to everything bothering them about the old year by smashing it or shredding it. (REUTERS/Carlo Allegri)

Huang Chuncai, a 37-year-old Hunan province native, lies on a bed as doctors prepare for a surgery to remove tumours from his face at a hospital in Guangzhou, Guangdong province. The surgery successfully removed a part of Huang's tumors which weighs about 1.5kg (3.3lbs) on the left cheek. In order to get to a healthy condition, he is expected to have two more surgeries, local media reported. Huang suffers from Neurofibromatosis, which is a genetic disorder of the nervous system that primarily affects the development and growth of nerve tissues. (REUTERS/Stringer)

Chilka, a four months Amur Leopard, walks around its enclosure at the 'Parc de la Tete d'Or' park in Lyon. The Amur Leopard (Panthera pardus orientalis), a very rare species of leopard living on the borders of Russia and China, is the winner of the 2013 WWF award dedicated to the positive evolution of an endangered species, as its population has increased by 'over 50% over the last five years', according to the Switzerland-based conservation organisation. (AFP PHOTO / JEFF PACHOUD)

A child with a gunshot wound to his hand rests on the lap of his father as he undergoes medical treatment at the general military hospital in the capital Juba. (REUTERS/James Akena)

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Has AAP derailed Modi's campaign?

Chetan Bhagat
27 December 2013, 09:48 PM IST

Whether in Bollywood or in politics, one of the disadvantages of being a star is that people often don`t tell you when things go amiss. As a result, the star doesn`t realise it early enough to take corrective action. A key reason for this is the circle of people surrounding the star. They continue to sing his praises or come up with conspiracy theories to explain away problems.

Eventually, it is too late. It is for this reason we see some massive flops in the film industry, which make the audience scratch their heads and go `but didn`t anyone tell them?` In politics it comes out as an unexpected defeat, leaving the party wondering how they could have read the signs so wrong. Cong-ress`s recent four-state defeat or the 2009 NDA defeat are examples of so-called `shocking` results, when in retrospect the signs were there for all to see.

Similar enough is BJP`s current situation. Over the past month the Narendra Modi campaign has been derailed somewhat. There is little acknowledgment or effort to fix it, indicating denial. Whether chamchas and sycophants convey this or not, AAP and Arvind Kejriwal have taken a bit of sheen off Modi`s campaign.

BJP swept the recent assembly elections in four states, winning almost 80% of seats. However, media — both social and mainstream — kept their focus pri-marily on AAP and every action it took. Even Kejriwal's viral fever became news.

AAP's moment in the sun would have passed, if BJP kept doing its own thing but gave a genuine pat on the back to Kejriwal and company. For AAP can have limited impact on the 2014 Lok Sabha elections if it has national ambitions, especially if it has to run Delhi as well.

BJP's praise for AAP would have helped Modi. Even though politics is eventually a zero-sum game, many Modi supporters are also AAP supporters. These are the new fence-sitting voters, the change seekers, the aspirational class, the influencers, and the people with a soft spot for the underdog. These are progressive Indians who want to embrace the new — and that alone is enough for them to connect Modi and Kejriwal.

This is a vital, deciding set of voters in this election. Given how polarising a figure Modi is, it is well established that the BJP campaign would focus on these new, fence-sitting voters (Modi fans will vote Modi, Modi haters won't — preaching to either of them is a waste of time).

However, what did BJP do instead? One, they took an old-school RSS stance on Section 377. BJP`s stance, and their bizarre rationale for it, which included words like `unnatural` and 'against Indian culture', sent a scare down the spines of many young voters. They brought back the worst fears young voters have of BJP — that some frustrated old uncles will place restrictions on us in the name of what they feel is natural, Hindu or Indian.

I am sorry if this is unpleasant to hear, but it is exactly what young voters, especially women, think when they decide not to vote for BJP. Its trying to please the hardline Hindu set all the time is a big mistake. This segment will vote BJP anyway, but history has shown hardliners are not sufficient in number to bring it to power.

For the moment there is a risk to personal freedom, young voters cringe. Do you really think they care about the agricultural growth rate in Modi's Gujarat when there is a morbid fear of someone telling them not to wear jeans or celebrate Valentine`s Day (against Indian culture, no?). Sure, these issues are urban. But everyone knows even 10-20 seats could make the difference between whether Modi makes it to PM or not.

The second mistake was BJP`s immediate hostility to underdog AAP. Modi was himself an underdog a few years ago, with few in the party top leadership making space for him. People backed Modi just as they did Kejriwal to make them both rise. To that effect, Modi and BJP should have been more gracious about AAP's victory.

AAP may well compete with BJP one day. But it represents hope — exactly the same quality people see in Modi. BJP should have, in fact, offered unconditional support to AAP to run Delhi. Instead, BJP offers constant jibes on AAP and their newness, as if nobody new should ever try to be in politics. Sounds progressive to you?

All this can be fixed. However, at this stage, it will require Modi`s intervention. BJP`s stance on personal freedom has to be made clear on an urgent basis. It has to be progressive. The rest of the party has to back Modi. Also, do not attack AAP. In fact, find some common ground with it.

Overall, BJP needs to focus on delivering all that people see in Modi — hope, progress and freedom. Modi still remains the front runner for 2014, and it is still his election to lose. However, the 2014 game is in the slog overs now. This is often the stage where BJP messes up. Can Team Modi make sure that doesn`t happen this time?

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Imagine there's no country

Gautam Adhikari
27 December 2013, 10:03 PM IST

Allow me to share a tale of two youths. One is nine, bubbling with energy, eagerly waiting to enter a world of grown-ups. The other, 86, bowed out to silent applause from the game of life last Sunday. Seven decades apart in age, they shared the same spirit.

Emil, the nine-year-old, is the son of our neighbours in Washington. His mother is of Italian heritage, his father American. He speaks Italian and English fluently and is growing adept at a couple of other languages. He revealed one day an aspect of modern Indian culture that was novel to me. I learned from him all about Yo Yo Honey Singh.

Breaking into song with gusto, Emile delighted us over brunch one day with several of Honey Singh's rap numbers, in fluent Punjabi. His dad had brought a CD back from a trip to India and Emil had been mesmerised ever since. All the family heard in the car on a recent road trip through the Alps was Punjabi rap. He knows all the words which we mostly failed to understand but which my friend Uppi later said were not all kosher.

Emil didn't understand the words either. But he rocked his little body and swung his head to the beat with a happy grin lighting his face. To him it was just rollicking music.

Bachuda was, like the heroes of romance novels, tall, dark and handsome. Like most Bengalis he had a proper name but was known universally by a nickname that sparked smiling recognition in Bengali social circles as well as in wide sections of the Indian immigrant community in the US. He lived half of every year in India, the other half in a leafy suburb of Washington DC. He was a rare breed, a renaissance man.

He had elegant mastery over speaking and writing in his mother tongue, which he taught to Americans at the Foreign Service School in Virginia, and he sang Tagore`s songs, bhatiali and baul with his family band touring US campuses and folk festivals. He wasn't Yo Yo Honey Singh, but for those who heard him, his voice was pure honey.

He played the piano and the two-stringed folk instrument called a dotara, with which he seemed ever ready to play not only Rabindrasangeet or Bengali folk, he would enthral an audience with the American folk music of Pete Seeger and Paul Robeson as well as rock them with 'Gore, Gore' or other hits from the 1950s and Hemant Kumar love songs.

When he would address an audience in English, which he frequently had to as a stalwart of the Indian-American community, he did so with a quiet deliberation, his cadence and intonation hewing close to the echoing softness with which he spoke Bengali. His legions of American friends, several of whom were senior diplomats including the current US ambassador in Delhi, loved his sheer youthfulness and his amazing ability to adjust to conversation in any social gathering of any culture of any age group. He never grew old.

Emil will perhaps grow up into a global society in which his generation will not be self-consciously bothered by the myriad ethnic, racial and religious contests for dominance or exclusivity that Bachuda`s generation lived with. Watching boys and girls of Emil's age, you will find it impossible to detect in them any sense of otherness when they play with their friends from an expanding array of colours, cultures and ethnicities. My own grandchildren, for instance, would be utterly confused if we grown-ups ever referred to people as white or black and Muslim or Hindu as a way of distinguishing them from us.

Bachuda grew up in a different world. He was imprisoned by the British during the nationalist movement and lived through the horror of Partition. Yet he was a kind of rare Indian who never saw himself as a victim of western conspiracies or defined other communities with bilious hatred. A youthful curiosity about others was his credo. He was always learning and adjusting to a globalised world`s shifting circumstances.

Little Emil and the late Bachuda were not from the same country. They never met. Yet, they were similar in spirit, one a sprightly boy of nine, the other a jolly young man of 86.

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Farooq Sheikh – The Man with the Beatific Smile!

Vinita Dawra Nangia
28 December 2013, 09:43 AM IST

Farooq Sheikh was never the stuff girls drool over, but certainly the stuff they moon over! More than lover material, he was the kind of husband women dream of – kindly and loving and non-controversial; in short, a good man!

Two weeks ago he sat framed by the Taj Mahal in Agra, looking his usual attractive, pleasing self, performing what we didn't realize was his last ever act of Tumhari Amrita. Dressed in his staple kurta-pajama-achkan Farooq Sheikh took centrestage with Shabana Azmi for a stellar performance at Nature Walk in Agra as part of the Taj Literature Festival highlights. I cannot believe that he is no more!

Perhaps it was appropriate that two decades of an iconic theatre performance of a doomed love found its denouement at the Taj Mahal. The performance of a love that lives on and yet never unites couldn't have got better than that evening as the veteran actors gave Tumhari Amrita their best shot, inspired by the epic monument to love just behind them.

Shabana looked good enough in a sparkling red sari, but it was Farooq Sheikh I couldn't take my eyes off. Apart from being a great actor, here was a man whose face shone with the goodness of his soul. I thought he was magnificent in the performance, and was particularly stirred when he read out the last bit describing the love of his life, Amrita as a turbulent river which crashed against its own banks and destroyed itself!

Farooq Sheikh was never the stuff girls drool over, but certainly the stuff they moon over! More than lover material, he was the kind of husband women dream of – kindly, loving and non-controversial; in short, a good man! Like most of my generation, I grew up watching Farooq's films. And the ones I remember him most for are Chashme Badoor, Bazaar and Umrao Jaan.

Later that evening in Agra I was pleased to see Farooq walk in for dinner at the Radisson, Agra. He looked happy and relaxed. Shabana was there as well, but like I said, it was the goodness that surrounded Farooq like a halo that attracted me. All evening I looked for an opportunity to walk across to talk with him, but he was surrounded by men – local bureaucrats and politicians.  And I wanted to talk exclusively with him. I seldom do this; in fact I am one of those who resolutely stays away from those others surround, unless I know them or have something specific to say!

Finally, just before I left, I resolutely walked up to him and introducing myself, sought his attention.

"I have waited all evening to talk with you, Farooq ji. Why have you been surrounded by men all the time?" I asked him

He gave me the full wattage of his beatific smile. "Aisa hi hota hai Madam. When your reputation overtakes you, the women stay away and men flock around you!" I was pleased and struck by his pat reply.

"Oh you have a pristine reputation!" I laughed. "Maybe we will meet again soon for a longer chat; it is late and I am leaving now."

In a throwback to old world gentlemanliness, Farooq half bowed and said, "You are wearing a beautiful dress! Thank you for coming across."

 I walked away with a good feeling and a promise to myself that I would meet Farooq for a longer chat and profile a man so different from his ilk – a man who dedicated himself to his art and in a world that shreds reputations, managed to keep his intact and pristine clean. An actor who never sought media attention and yet was never ignored. A thorough gentleman and a wonderful soul.

What I did not realize sadly was that I had lost the last opportunity of getting to know him better and this is how I would be writing about him!

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Will the anti-sexual harassment Act be truly effective?

Lubna Kably
27 December 2013, 05:22 PM IST

It was a long wait, even as the President's assent was given on April 22, 2013, 'The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013' – for sake of brevity lets refer to it as the 'Anti-sexual harassment Act', did not come into force immediately. It appears that finalisation of rules, kept this Act on hold. Finally, it is now in effect from December 9, 2013.

Zenobia Aunty, has been interacting with a lot of legal experts on this Act and its rules. Like many others, she thought it was a case of better late than never. After all, not many companies had adopted the tenet set by the Supreme Court in the landmark Vishaka's case.

In 1997, the Supreme Court of India recognised the problem of sexual harassment at the workplace and while delivering its judgement in Vishaka's case laid down guidelines that employer organisations have to follow. Employers were required to: prohibit sexual harassment (which was widely defined) and include such prohibition in the employees' rules of conduct; set up a complaint committee with majority of women members and headed preferably by a woman which would investigate all complaints of sexual harassment; and initiate disciplinary proceedings and possible criminal action against any offenders.

This was a temporary measure till a well defined Act was in place. Well, we now have such an Act. The moot issue however is: How effective will it be? 

According to many legal eagles, the Act and also the Rules suffer from certain infirmities. Let us start with the complaint committees – after all this is the first step – receiving a complaint and dealing with it fairly.

Section 4 of the Anti-sexual harassment Act, requires that the internal committee shall comprise of a presiding officer who shall be a senior woman employee at that particular office – if such employee is not available then she can be drawn from offices in other location. The lnternal Complaints committee is also required to have not less than two members from among employees (preferably committed to the cause of women or who have had experience in social work or have legal knowledge), one external member from an NGO or association dealing with women causes or a person familiar with issues relating to sexual harassment. At least half of the composition of this committee is required to be women.

If the internal complaints committee is not set up at a particular office – because it has less than 10 employees at that particular location or if the complaint is against the employer itself then the district officer sets up a 'local complaints committee'.

Here creep in major differences as regards the composition of the two committees. The 'local complaints committee' set up at the behest of the district officer comprises of a chairperson nominated from among emient women in the field of social work and committed to the 'cause of women'; a woman member nominated from the block, talkuka, tehsil, ward or municipality; two members (at least one of which shall be a woman) nominate from such NGOs committed to the cause of women or a person familiar with the issues relating to sexual harassment – provided that at least one of such nominees should preferably have a background in law or legal knowledge. Now hold your breath, it is also provided that at least one of the nominees shall be a woman belonging to a scheduled caste, scheduled tribe, OBC or minority community notified by Central Government from time to time.

Shwetasree Majumdar, co-founder of Fidus Law Chambers, is aghast with the politicisation of the local complaints committee – "Reservations on the ground of SC, ST etc are eminently avoidable," she says.

Further, if one takes a closer look, the Act does not make it mandatory for any member of an internal complaint committee to have legal knowledge. Nor does it make it mandatory for the company to provide legal knowledge to the committee members – this is a huge drawback and will result in inefficiencies. Whereas, a local complaints committee which is appointed by the district officer, under certain circumstances if required preferably to have at least one member having a background in law or legal knowledge, points out Majumdar.

When it comes to the actual complaint, there are some aspects that Times Crest had pointed out earlier (soon after the Act was passed by the Lok Sabha). For instance, The Act provides that action can be taken against a woman who has made a false or malicious complaint. As a saving grace, the Bill adds that a mere inability to substantiate a complaint or provide adequate proof 'need not' attract such action.

Senior Advocate, Anand Grover had said: "This provision could have a dampening effect. The provisions should be further strengthened – for instance, the onus of proof could be on the alleged offender who wants to prove his innocence or there could be certain scenarios in which it shall be presumed that the complaint is genuine. The alleged offender should also have the opportunity to rebut. Also perhaps it would have been better for another act, such as the Indian Penal Code, to deal with a malicious complaint, instead of making it part and parcel of the proposed anti-sexual harassment Act."

The Rules suffer from a major draw back, that of the victim's consent to proceed with the complaint. "The wording is such that sub-rules (a) to (c) of Rule 6(i) are not fettered by consent. So if  a complainant is physically incapacitated (which again is a term lacking clarity), a complaint may be filed on her behalf by a friend, relative or a member of the National Commission for Women or State Women's Commission without seeking her consent," points out Majumdar.

"Why? The consent issue is a larger issue and it is my opinion that a complainant's consent is an integral part of the manner in which the issue should be dealt with – delicate handling is a must or else her continuance in the job will be compromised in each instance (especially since there is no actionable requirement that the employer ensure that the resultant work environment post-complaint is not hostile to the complainant)," stressed Majumdar.

The ambit of the Act and Rules are wide, but alas not wide enough. Harassment by peers and bosses in places such as at a party, at a movie etc may be difficult to get redressal, as the Act covers any place visited by the employee arising out of or during the course of employment.

"Detailed obligations have been cast upon the employer for conducting workshops and creating awareness. Smaller organisations may find it prohibitive, leading to non-compliance," says Vikram Shroff, HR leader, at international legal counselors Nishith Desai Associates. Or for that matter, as almost everyone Zenobia Aunty spoke to pointed out, it is rather impractical to have internal complaints committee at every location, with locations linked by technology, perhaps a centralized committee based at the head-office level which could as required visit the various offices across India of an organization as and when needed would be more practical.

In most other countries, such as the UK or US, the employer organisation can be, under certain circumstances, held vicariously liable for sexual harassment by an employee. Suits filed can even be upwards of a million dollars. However, companies in India will not have to bear any such liability. A mere fine of Rs. 50,000 is the maximum penalty for non-compliance with the provisions of the Act or rules.

Yet, Zenobia Aunty is glad that a start has been made. It is just societal pressure that will ensure that companies follow the Act and Rules not just in letter but also in spirit. Hopefully the lacuna will be ironed out via suitable amendments in due course.

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Satyameva jayate: Truth alone triumphs

Narendra Modi
27 December 2013, 04:48 PM IST

My dear sisters and brothers,

The law of nature is that Truth alone triumphs – Satyameva Jayate. Our judiciary having spoken, I felt it important to share my inner thoughts and feelings with the nation at large.

The end brings back memories of the beginning. The devastating earthquake of 2001 had plunged Gujarat into the gloom of death, destruction and sheer helplessness. Hundreds of lives were lost. Lakhs were rendered homeless. Entire livelihoods were destroyed. In such traumatic times of unimaginable suffering, I was given the responsibility to soothe and rebuild. And we had whole heartedly plunged ourselves into the challenge at hand.

Within a mere five months however, the mindless violence of 2002 had dealt us another unexpected blow. Innocents were killed. Families rendered helpless. Property built through years of toil destroyed. Still struggling to get back on its feet from the natural devastation, this was a crippling blow to an already shattered and hurting Gujarat.

I was shaken to the core. 'Grief', 'Sadness', 'Misery', 'Pain', 'Anguish', 'Agony' – mere words could not capture the absolute emptiness one felt on witnessing such inhumanity.

On one side was the pain of the victims of the earthquake, and on the other the pain of the victims of the riots. In decisively confronting this great turmoil, I had to single-mindedly focus all the strength given to me by the almighty, on the task of peace, justice and rehabilitation; burying the pain and agony I was personally wracked with.

During those challenging times, I often recollected the wisdom in our scriptures; explaining how those seating in positions of power did not have the right to share their own pain and anguish. They had to suffer it in solitude. I lived through the same, experiencing this anguish in searingly sharp intensity. In fact, whenever I remember those agonizing days, I have only one earnest prayer to God. That never again should such cruelly unfortunate days come in the lives of any other person, society, state or nation.

This is the first time I am sharing the harrowing ordeal I had gone through in those days at a personal level.

However, it was from these very built up emotions that I had appealed to the people of Gujarat on the day of the Godhra train burning itself; fervently urging for peace and restraint to ensure lives of innocents were not put at risk. I had repeatedly reiterated the same principles in my daily interactions with the media in those fateful days of February-March 2002 as well; publically underlining the political will as well as moral responsibility of the government to ensure peace, deliver justice and punish all guilty of violence. You will also find these deep emotions in my recent words at my Sadbhavana fasts, where I had emphasized how such deplorable incidents did not behove a civilized society and had pained me deeply.

In fact, my emphasis has always been on developing and emphasizing a spirit of unity; with the now widely used concept of 'my 5 crore Gujarati brothers and sisters' having crystallised right at the beginning of my tenure as CM itself from this very space.

However, as if all the suffering was not enough, I was also accused of the death and misery of my own loved ones, my Gujarati brothers and sisters. Can you imagine the inner turmoil and shock of being blamed for the very events that have shattered you!

For so many years, they incessantly kept up their attack, leaving no stone unturned. What pained even more was that in their overzealousness to hit at me for their narrow personal and political ends, they ended up maligning my entire state and country. This heartlessly kept reopening the wounds that we were sincerely trying to heal. It ironically also delayed the very justice that these people claimed to be fighting for. Maybe they did not realize how much suffering they were adding to an already pained people.

Gujarat however had decided its own path. We chose peace over violence. We chose unity over divisiveness. We chose goodwill over hatred. This was not easy, but we were determined to commit for the long haul. From a life of daily uncertainty and fear; my Gujarat transformed into one of Shanti, Ekta and Sadbhavana. I stand a satisfied and reassured man today. And for this, I credit each and every Gujarati.

The Gujarat Government had responded to the violence more swiftly and decisively than ever done before in any previous riots in the country. Yesterday's judgement culminated a process of unprecedented scrutiny closely monitored by the highest court of the land, the Honourable Supreme Court of India. Gujarat's 12 years of trial by the fire have finally drawn to an end. I feel liberated and at peace.

I am truly grateful to all those who stood by me in these trying times; seeing through the facade of lies and deceit. With this cloud of misinformation firmly dispelled, I will now also hope that the many others out there trying to understand and connect with the real Narendra Modi would feel more empowered to do so.

Those who derive satisfaction by perpetuating pain in others will probably not stop their tirade against me. I do not expect them to. But, I pray in all humility, that they at least now stop irresponsibly maligning the 6 crore people of Gujarat.

Emerging from this journey of pain and agony; I pray to God that no bitterness seeps into my heart. I sincerely do not see this judgement as a personal victory or defeat, and urge all – my friends and especially my opponents – to not do so as well. I was driven by this same principle at the time of the Honourable Supreme Court's 2011 judgement on this matter. I fasted 37 days for Sadbhavana, choosing to translate the positive judgement into constructive action, reinforcing Unity and Sadbhavana in society at large.

I am deeply convinced that the future of any society, state or country lies in harmony. This is the only foundation on which progress and prosperity can be built. Therefore, I urge one and all to join hands in working towards the same, ensuring smiles on each and every face.

Once again, Satyameva Jayate!

Vande Mataram!

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The BAAP of AAP

Brijesh Kalappa
27 December 2013, 06:10 PM IST

 "If fifty men cannot be found with sufficient power of self- sacrifice, sufficient love for and pride in their country, sufficient genuine and unselfish patriotism to take the initiative… then there is no hope for India. Her sons must and will remain mere humble and helpless instruments in the hands of foreign rulers" - These were the words of Allan Octavion Hume, the first President of the Indian National Congress who wrote to students of the Calcutta University seeking the support of the youth.

In 1891, when Gopal Krishna Gokhale, President of the Indian National Congress was disappointed with the Government's two line reply to a memorial meticulously drafted, his preceptor Justice Ranade explained:

  "You don't realize our place in the history of our country. These memorials are nominally addressed to government. In reality they are addressed to the people, so that they may learn how to think in these matters. This work must be done for many years, without expecting any other results, because politics of this kind is altogether new in this land."

This attitude for being responsible for the country and its citizens is responsible for not making tall promises while the opposition was busy promising slashed electricity bills and free water.

Similarly, castigating the CAG and launching impeachment proceedings against a partisan constitutional authority may have been the ideal way of dealing with baseless allegations of corruption or the empty allegation that corruption caused price rise. This is because, if there is anybody responsible for the disillusionment in the political establishment, it is CAG Vinod Rai and his gross exaggeration. For him zeros had no value and could be added with the flourish of a chef adding chillies to Andhra Chillie Chicken. Neither Mrs. Gandhi, the PM nor Rahul Gandhi has officially spoken a word against the CAG despite his repeated assaults on the government. This, despite the fact that like the hundred crore movie club, Vinod Rai established the one lakh crore club when none of the losses he presumed could be below this figure where the UPA Government was concerned. Contrast this with what Prime Ministerial wannabe Narendra Modi said of former CEC Lyngdoh who postponed the elections following the Gujarat riots. While alluding to the religion Mr Lyngdoh practiced Modi said: "Some journalists asked me recently, 'Has James Michael Lyngdoh come from Italy?' I said 'I do not know, I do not have his janam patri, I will have to ask Rajiv Gandhi. Then the journalist asked 'do they meet in church?' I said' maybe they do'.

A fortnight ago, my mobile phone rang, it was a senior advocate on the line.  He said "have you seen the newspaper today?"  He was referring to Arvind Kejriwal's statement inviting members of the BJP and Congress to join hands with him for the general election scheduled in April 2014.  The senior advocate was a contributor to the AAP's coffers and carried some say in steering the fortunes of the party.  His oblique offer to join the AAP's ranks for preceded by this glowing reference "despite having been associated with very big names in politics, you have remained dead honest, genuinely helpful and have not permitted ego to seep in".  While I thanked him for his kind words, I politely refused to have anything to do with the AAP.

For those that came in late, the Indian National Congress is the BAAP of the AAP.  It was established in 1885 by Allan Octavion Hume and has completed 127 years of its existence.  Many people ask the question "what has the Congress done for the country?"

The fact that secularism has been inserted in our Constitution and is widely practiced which leaves us richer than Pakistan which also won its freedom in 1947 and far less divisive. Add to this, the socialistic model which saved us when the world witnessed serious recession. The Bhakranangal, Hirakhud, Damodar Valley Corporation, Nagarjunasagar, Tungabhadra, Almatti, Srisailam, Sardar Sarovar Project, Chambal, Rihand, Sindri, Chittaranjan Loco Works, various mining sites, Bhilai, Rourkela, Durgapur, Ranchi, HAL, HMT, BHEL, BEL, Indian Railways, Air India, VSNL, BSNL, MTNL,  ITI, BGML, Hutti Gold Mines, VISL, HPCL, BPCL,  ONGC, Banking sector that stood firm while world financial citadels collapsed, Neyveli, IIT's, IIM's, Amul, Kaira Milk Union, Indian Space development Programme, the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, The nuclear programme, Green revolution, Metro, the burgeoning private sector, the growing middle class, the communication revolution etc. etc. Much of this happened when the INC was in office.

For a political party to last for an elongated period of 127 years when there is no restriction whatsoever for the Election Commission to register a political party is itself extraordinary. Consider that the Janata and its various avatars have wound up, the Swatantra Party has wound up, the Jan Sangh too wound up and the BJP is a young party with ageing leaders. It is to the INC's credit that the party still exudes youthfulness and vigour. While the AAP poses some challenge, the INC's ability to re-invent itself and bounce back is grossly underrated by political pundits, and therein lays their fatal error.

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Shun VIPism, but be practical, Arvind Kejriwal

Rajesh Kalra
26 December 2013, 12:37 PM IST

At a time when Delhi's to-be-sworn-in chief minister is spurning all trappings of a VIP in this status conscious city, indeed the nation, the Congress seems to have been hit by news it could have done without. Lok Sabha speaker Meira Kumar has been given control of her father's bungalow till 2038. Not surprisingly, the social media has erupted in protest, especially since there is history to this attempt to take control.

While it may be argued that it is only a memorial and not for her personal use, people know the reality. And, at a time like this when the so called winds of change are sweeping across the nation, when perceptions are important, when symbolism is critical, this is beyond just poor PR for the lady, as well as for the grand old party.

But while this story, and the general story of VIPism by those in power is despicable, at the other extreme is Arvind Kejriwal, who has said no to both, his security paraphernalia as well as a ministerial bungalow. Although the move is creditable and hugely popular, especially in a nation where the common man has seen himself being relegated to the status of a 2nd class citizen in comparison to these VIPs, where not just the VIPs, but have-beens and their sons too flaunt their status to belittle the common man, I would like to caution Arvind.

Symbolism is important but it cannot ride roughshod over ground realities, even practicalities. For, if you eliminate the needless trappings that genuinely harass the common man, the truth is that for those in actual position of power, some of these things are not a perquisite, but necessity.

As a leader, that too holding a constitutional post puts a lot of responsibility on the person. There are political opponents and then there could be powerful adversaries, including those who have lost out because of some unfavourable decisions. They all have the potential to harm you. In any case, if a person is at such an important position after wining an election, he would also have support among the masses. Any harm that comes to the person would ignite passions and can turn into a huge law and order problem, especially as it is exploited by anti-social elements and all others who mean harm. Weren't we witness to it after Indira Gandhi was assassinated?

It is, therefore, not right to go without security. The good thing is that the system itself may not permit all that, for it follows the security blue-book for such posts and would go by that, and not by the whims of the person being protected. I can recall an instance when Rajiv Gandhi was the Prime minister and TN Seshan was the cabinet secretary of India and also responsible for PM's security. After a venue had been sanitised in the evening for a function the next morning, Seshan visited the venue in the morning before the PM's arrival and noticed a flower pot placed where it wasn't kept earlier in the evening. It was at a height and Seshan demanded it be removed. The organisers said they couldn't at that last moment and said PM was their friend. Seshan thundered into his walkie-talkie to the security to turn back PM's convoy. The organisers complied in a jiffy.

On the issue of the bungalow too, one needs to be practical. A person who is the chief minister will have thousands of visitors. If you are in a community with several people, it inconveniences all of them, for the veneer of having a VIP in the midst wears off in no time. It ultimately has security implications for self and also those around.

I hope Arvind would reconsider these decisions. Symbolism has its place, but for a limited period alone, after which, practical solutions need to take over. Symbolism should not reach a stage where you become their prisoner. There would be umpteen other ways of making the world know that you are a mere servant and not their lord and master.

Those would have genuine and practical impact. One of them would be to instruct the security apparatus to treat the common man as a respectable citizen and not send them scurrying around for cover when the cavalcade goes past, sirens blaring, gunmen waving their automatic weapons, pointing them at the common man with a move-or-else look. And not just you, even the others should be asked to shun these things. People hate the kind of things that I had to go through, for example: At gunpoint on a cycle.

Follow Rajesh Kalra on Twitter

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Climate change & sleeping rough in India

Veeresh Malik
26 December 2013, 12:12 PM IST

 

What do North Indian issues of non-payment to sugarcane farmers, single crop cultivations like sugarcane, climate change, sleeping rough, communal riots, disease provoked by diabetes, and people sleeping on the steps of Delhi Metro stations being asked to vacate before the first trains pelt through have in common with changing crop patterns in Guntur and soft-drink companies moving in to push more sweetened coloured beverages listed under 14.4.1 of the FSSAI (Food Safety and Standards Authority of India) have in common?

Evertything. Just as the new Government in Delhi will have to do everything to try and clean up the muck left over by around half-a-dozen really big scams as presents from the previous formations "in power" in Delhi - lower pricing for electricity by the privatised utilities, right to water instead of theft by the water mafias, easier and better access to public transport instead of just batting for people who ride cars with red beacons on them.

(Interlude-to try to understand what the electricity scam is about, please read this and appreciate what some of us are asking for - the right to introduce checks and balances by way of audits into the privatisation of power distribution in Delhi at the hands of DISCOMs. And take a close look at what is the way the Government of the last decade takes a stand on this demand, which we hope shall now be reversed. )

http://delhigovt.nic.in/rti/appellate/view_appeal_details_admn.asp?aa_code=209&appeal_id=16

Sugarcane grown as a single crop was never the reality of the Gangetic belt but over the past few years, courtesy a mix of demand from the sugar industry feeding further upriver, that's what happened. For a commodity as useless as refined sugar, most of it destined to the soft drink and sweetened foodstuff industry, low prices were essential. Which is why two litres of cancer cola in plastic bottles costs less than 1 kilo of most vegetables and fruits.

Yes, fill your stomachs with cancer colas, and then hang around outside hospitals they can ill afford, sleeping rough, as it gets colder. But move on before the perception managers spot you, can't let the myth that is Delhi's wonderful growth be battered - but have you been to some of the urban villages called "laal dora" in Delhim lately? 

That, also, is what rampant farming for sugarcane has done. Which, it has been reported, is going to be the next target area now that the Dooabs have been ruined? I am told Guntur and vicinity, where there are still some canals left, will be the next to receive this blight.

Here, in North india, there is no money to pay for the sugarcane, how much jaggery can the market absorb, and the fields are going to take some time before they can be prepared for vegetables and other cash crops which require 30-60 day turnaround. While sugarcane, lazy man's crop that requires a lot of indentured labout (polite name for bonded labour or slave) has caused economic blight of a sort not seen for a long time in one of the most fertile lands in the world.

Something really needs to be done about the sugarcane problem facing India - before it destroys more of us across all levels. Making cancer colas more expensive by way of tax and price mechanisms to control consumption may be one method.

The sooner the better. 

Because we can't blame everything on climate change.

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The Birth of a Political Start-up & Taking the Plunge..

Shantanu Bhagwat
26 December 2013, 06:04 PM IST

I have been busy. Not the as usual "busy", but as the posh socialite would say, "busy, busy". The last couple of weeks have been an incredible whirl of meetings, long discussions and calls. It is very rare for a political event to resonate with my other fascination – entrepreneurship.  But I believe we just witnessed the beginning of a remarkable experiment in political entrepreneurship in these last few weeks. We have witnessed the birth of a political start-up, the first for anyone below 40 in India.

The start-up is of course Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Like many others who have been involved in political activism, I had been closely tracking AAP since its formation last November. But to be honest, I did not think it would be anywhere close to making a profound impact. Around late August-early September, I began to change my views. By October, I was convinced that the group is going to make a fairly significant impact in the elections in Delhi.

But what happened on 8th December was beyond belief. It was simply spectacular.

As I wrote on my facebook page, "..we are witnessing a "grand experiment unfold before us..We are fortunate to be around in these times and fortunate to witness this amazing dance of the world's largest democracy first-hand..

More fortunate are those who are participating in this directly...Over the next few days (or at most a few weeks), I will have to make a decision too - whether to be one of the audience cheering from the sidelines or to take the plunge and join the chorus!

I have now decided to take the plunge – and be an active participant in the chorus. I have formally applied for membership of AAP."

I have made this decision fully aware of our differences; fully aware that convergence of views will be a long drawn process; fully aware that some might view this as a "betrayal". I am going to try and not get distracted by the barbs that are sure to follow, the questioning of motives, the innuendos, the insinuations and the sarcasm.  The "perfect" is the enemy of the "good". For now, I have decided to be on the side of "good".

AAP is where the grand "political experiment" is happening. In times like these, there are few places where I would rather be than here. In this experiment, AAP has successfully managed to challenge the "rules of the game" – and long established truisms of current-day politics in India. The notion of "win-ability", of caste arithmetic, of "vote banks" or money and muscle power. This out to be celebrated – for the same reason I celebrated Shashi Tharoor's win three years back even though he won on a Congress ticket. AAP has given an entire generation hope. And I think everyone who wishes for change in India must seriously consider engaging with this new experiment as it unfolds.

We are fighting the larger war here and I believe it is important for the good forces to consolidate. The two "mainstream" parties have been practically indistinguishable in terms of campaign tactics, strategies and candidates. Caste arithmetic, well-timed sops and grand announcements continue to define campaigning. Candidate selection remains opaque. Money flows freely. I experienced all of this (and more), first-hand in the recent assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh. The usual justification for all this is: "This is how politics is done in India."

And even though Sh Modi is trying hard to change this, his fight with the "establishment" in BJP is far from over.  I remain - as before – extremely skeptical of BJP's ability to change at the fundamental level (beyond a change at the top).

AAP has just shown us all another way of doing "politics". As with most political parties, I am sure it's policies will evolve with time. And I believe the direction they take is more likely to be influenced by "insiders" than those outside the party. I hope I can be one of the "insiders".

These are risks I am conscious of, risks I am taking on willingly, particularly since I see little hope in any of the incumbent "mainstream" parties to undergo radical transformation. And little prospect of any of the emerging groups making a significant impact in the near term.

As for the BJP, in spite of Sh. Modi, my publicly stated opposition to its "collusion" with the rotten system remains in place. The big difference between my stance in July and today is that instead of "one man" who has a fighting chance of making Congress history, today we have two. One remains the front-runner to lead India. It is time to work with the other. Time for the good forces to converge and find common ground rather than argue about policy matters (on which differences exist). Time to join hands in our common quest for a "different" kind of politics. Time to prepare together for the "Long War".

In the end, AAP's focus on challenging the rotten system is reason enough for me to work with them, regardless of all our other differences.  Over the next few days and weeks, as I begin to engage with the party, I hope the contours of my involvement will become clearer. For now, I am excited to embark on this journey. Stay tuned! Jai Hind, Jai Bharat!

Track me on Twitter @SatyamevaJayate

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Slaves to servants

Jug Suraiya
24 December 2013, 10:11 PM IST

Why can't Indians — or at least rich, or middle-class Indians — live without servants? If it hadn't been for this seeming compulsion for Indians to have someone do the housework for them, the unholy spat between Washington and New Delhi over the ill-treatment of diplomat Devyani Khobragade would not have taken place.

Indian diplomats on foreign postings routinely take along domestic help from India, who are paid considerably less than the minimum legal wage in the host country, which is an infringement of local law.

NRIs who don't have the luxury of being allowed to import cheap labour from India have no choice — unless they are like Lakshmi Mittal and can afford to pay the going rate for such help in their country of residence — but to do all their own domestic chores. So why can't Indian diplomats abroad do the same? Because our diplomats overseas represent India in more ways than one: apart from representing India's official policies they also represent India's unofficial mindset.

And that mindset has never been able to accept the concept of what Mohandas Gandhi called the 'dignity of labour'. It is ingrained in our casteist culture that manual labour is demeaning and that we will undermine our social status in the eyes of society if we soil our hands — literally or figuratively — by performing everyday tasks, like cleaning the toilet. It was in order to break this cultural taboo that Gandhi made it a practice personally to scrub the lavatories in his ashram, a chore which he expected others of the community, including his wife, also to perform.

Despite such examples, middle-class India shuns any form of manual work. We make plenty of excuses for this aversion to doing our own domestic chores. We tell ourselves that, unlike in more technologically advanced societies, in India we don't have affordable and/or reliable labour-saving devices; even if we do have them, half the time there is no bijli for them to work. We tell ourselves that the enervating climate — generally too hot and humid — is a deterrent to physical labour.

But all these are excuses, and we know it. The real reason that we can't do without servants is that we fear the loss of face that we will suffer if we are seen to do our own 'dirty work', like disposing of garbage, or polishing shoes, or — horror of horrors — cleaning the WC.

We are obsessed about our servants. Go to any social gathering and the chances are that the subject under the most animated discussion is not the Lokpal, or Arvind Kejriwal, but servants. Servants who have gone to their village for one month's leave and not returned even after three months. Servants who have been lured away by that horrible neighbour who promised them 2,000 rupees a month more. Servants who've been caught cheating on the daily vegetable hisaab.

And the real fear is that servants — more than the Indian tiger — are an endangered species. Thanks to the painfully slow, limping economic progress that India has made since Independence, even part-time domestic help is becoming increasingly difficult to get as better avenues of employment are made available.

So the next time you bemoan the economic slowdown, think of the silver lining: we'll be able to hang on to our domestic help a little bit longer. And our sarkar will be able to retain us as its unpaid servants for more time to come.

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Smith's team is very much alive

Amit Karmarkar
24 December 2013, 01:47 PM IST

Despite two 'Centurions' at Jo'burg in the fourth innings, South Africa could not win the Test. It could well be fair to say that it was a moral victory for India. But I suspect that despite India's superior show for the large part of the Test, the hosts would start as favourites for the next. 

How much can India improve vis-a-vis the first Test, especially on the first four days? Not much overall. Though individually, Shikhar Dhawan, Rohit Sharma and R Ashwin can come up with improved shows.

SA must believe that India can only go down from here while they have plenty of chances to improve. If they approach the second Test with this mindset, they will feel lighter.

Hashim Amla, India's main headache in the SA battling line-up, was bowled in both innings without offering a stroke. Such mistakes are unlikely to be repeated in Durban.

In a battle of strength (Indian batsmen vs SA bowlers), India came on top. But in a battle of relative weaknesses (Indian bowlers vs SA batsmen), the hosts won big time on the fifth day. That will give them huge confidence. And their bowlers, sadly missing Morkel, will be smarter and unrelenting in the second Test. 

If Cheteshwar Pujara and Virat Kohli showed promise with high-class Test batsmanship, Faf du Plessis was not far behind. Still, it won't be easy for South Africa in the second Test. They are now aware that India is more than ready for the big battle. Hence the hosts could well feel that any slip-up on their part will be punished by Dhoni's men. That will make them alert, but  also  anxious. If they can handle this tension with balance, they should be okay. 

When Dale Steyn refused a single from a non-striker's end in the penultimate over of the Jo'burg Test, it signalled that SA were scared. At least Ravi Shastri could have endorsed this fear. For, he took a single in the Madras tied Test and gave the strike to Maninder Singh,  thereby ensuring that India wouldn't  lose that Test against Allan Border's Australia in 1986-87.

Test match cricket is more well-rounded, and not necessarily better, because the "not losing" result (draw) is possible here. SA would have been forced to go for win if the same equation in the last three overs had happened in the ODI or T20. And the chokers of the highest order would, in most probability, would have attained that target.

Of course, the climax of the Test was anti-climatic. But it made my day. For, it showed that batsmen, unaided by field restrictions, are challenged in Tests. Their skills get over-rated in limited-overs cricket. Hence they say that Test cricket is the ultimate where bowlers have to earn their wickets and batters their runs. Thanfully, free gifts won't be available during the X-mas week: neither at MCG nor at Kingsmead. 

The last three overs of Jo'burg was also the Test of mindset. SA failed there big time. Hopefully, this failure will have a positive bearing in Durban Test with both teams playing up to their potential. 

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2013 has been India's most disastrous foreign policy year in a very long time

Indrani Bagchi
24 December 2013, 10:27 PM IST

Thank heavens this year is done. In 2013, we stiffed our friends, failed to deliver as a global power, and frankly, our neighbourhood is worse off. For Indian foreign policy, this has been the most painful year in a very long time, because it exposed the lack of political leadership at a time when it was sorely needed.

Sri Lanka, arguably India's best friend in this region and a really important pillar of India's national project of expanding its strategic space was let down spectacularly by India. PM Manmohan Singh cravenly gave oxy-gen to narrow interests when he refused to attend CHOGM. By persistently voting against Sri Lanka at forums we would slam in a heartbeat if they targeted New Delhi, India has shown quite comprehensively it cannot be relied upon as a partner.

New Delhi hasn't been honest enough to admit that the fishermen problem is because Indian fishermen are crossing the boundary, Indian fishermen engage in environmentally degrading fishing practices. Sri Lanka is ripe for picking by China, and we helped it. Our policy on Sri Lanka is being dictated by Tamil diaspora pressure groups, though we would scream bloody murder if others chose to leverage Sikh or Mirpuri diaspora against India.

Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh is fighting one of the biggest battles of her life. She has staked much on the India relationship and done much to take out terror cells that threaten both Bangladesh and India. India had made Bangladesh a big project and our officials spread out Indian goodies for Dhaka. But New Delhi failed at the heavy lifting — PM could not convince the Assamese or Bengalis that a land boundary pact with Dhaka was in India's interest. This will hurt the only constituency in Bangladesh we want to save.

And yes, just before elections must be the best time to stiff Bhutan. Weeks before its July elections, India, for a reason no one yet understands, stopped subsidising kerosene and cooking gas. It may have been just incompetence, but everyone believes India was punishing Jigme Thinley for an "independent" foreign policy, particularly his outreach to China. What were we smoking?

Hamid Karzai has depended on India in ways the world cannot imagine. As he stumbles into the great unknown of 2014, where he will be battling Pak-sponsored terrorists without Nato, he now knows he cannot actually depend on India to give him the weapons he needs. The government is reportedly worried about what Pakistan would think!

In his decade as PM, Manmohan Singh has never been able to convince India that his Pakistan policy was more than about a personal visit to the land of his birth. So we cut off talks periodically, because the government believes the only other option is war. This is lazy policymaking. Thankfully, Pakistan, mostly its own worst enemy, regularly lets India off the hook.

The fact that we apparently get caught off-guard by events in our immediate neighbourhood cannot be good. Maldives is a case in point, where we scrambled to get them to hold a credible election, losing a massive Indian investment by GMR on the way. We even promoted a suboptimal envoy from Male to consul-general in New York, where as boss to Devyani Khobragade, his lack of leadership has been stunning to say the least.

L'affaire Khobragade was only the latest blow to the US-India relationship which has been on the skids for some time now. Barack Obama's stunted vision and India's political paralysis have proved to be an unbeatable combination in killing much of what was achieved between Singh and Bush.

In 2005, a visibly elated Manmohan Singh told us on his way back from Washington, "The nuclear deal will be as important for India as the economic reforms were." As his government collapses in a heap, it's the same nuclear deal that has caused much of India's troubles with the world. The nuclear liability law succeeded in strangling nuclear investment from not only the US. Russia, India's oldest pal, hit Singh with supplier liability clause and the French are making similar noises. Meanwhile, India's own nuclear industry is choking to death because they find it impossible to meet the liability provisions. The US can take heart — it isn't just them we're after.

There are rays of light, and they were all in Asia. Despite the Depsang incursion, which may be described as a low point, the incident showed that India could hold its own against Chinese grand strategy. It also exposed internal differences within China's monolithic set-up, always a good thing for neighbours. A third consequence of China's strange actions, in Ladakh and East China Sea, is the beneficial effect it has on the India-Japan relationship.

This was the year when the India-Japan relationship took flight. The emperor's visit to India has a significance way beyond the commonplace. Japan will continue to regard India through a US prism, but that's fine. In his more loquacious moments, PM described the Japan relationship as "transformational". India needs Japan by its side as it transforms itself both as a nation, an economy and as a global power. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will be India's chief guest on Republic Day, a wonderful opportunity for India to show that it can walk the talk on a vital investment.

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Three musketeers' ride: Credibility is at stake for Modi, Kejriwal and Rahul alike

Dileep Padgaonkar
23 December 2013, 10:47 PM IST

While Narendra Modi continues to be BJP's star performer, he now has to share the limelight with Arvind Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi. The former, fortified by Aam Aadmi Party's spectacular show of strength in Delhi assembly elections, is raring to expand his appeal beyond the National Capital Region. And the latter, seeking to rise Phoenix-like from the ashes of Congress's debacle in recent polls, seems determined to inject new vigour in his beleaguered party with a number of deft moves.

All three have a long way to go before they decisively prove their mettle. As the nation moves closer to general elections, leaders of powerful regional parties will begin to flex their muscles. Some — like DMK's K Karunanidhi and JD(U)'s Nitish Kumar — have indeed begun to do that al-ready. Others are bound to follow suit in good time. For the moment, however, attention is focussed on Modi, Kejriwal and the young Gandhi. Each one faces a huge challenge of credibility.

Since his anointment as his party's prime ministerial candidate, Modi has addressed more rallies in more parts of the country, attracted more crowds and wowed them as no one else has. He has got more coverage in both mainstream and social media than either of his two rivals. But his campaign has begun to lose some of its sheen.

One reason is that his personal and highly derogatory attacks on Congress leaders and his advertisements for himself have been far too repetitive and hence far too predictable — something that runs counter to a sound communications strategy. He needs to spell out his programmes and policies, not crib and rant about Congress misdemeanours times without number.

The other reason is that he hasn't quite managed to leverage for himself BJP's victory in three of five states that recently went to polls. In public perception, its architects have been state-level leaders: Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh, Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh and Vasundhara Raje in Rajasthan. They would not want to play second fiddle to the party's prime ministerial candidate for long.

Yet another reason relates to his flip-flops. In Patna, he told Muslims and Hindus that their enemy is poverty, not each other. He used that conciliatory tone in his remarks on Pakistan as well. He also called for a debate on Article 370 — that confers a special status on Jammu & Kashmir — rather than reiterate the BJP's traditional stand that the Article should be abrogated.

In Varanasi, however, he reverted to rhetoric redolent with Hindutva allusions. Meanwhile, BJP leaders rushed to clarify that Modi hadn't deviated an inch from the party's position on J&K. All of this left both hardcore Hindutva votaries and non-Hindutva voters who otherwise seemed to be well-disposed towards him a confused lot.

Finally, Modi's detractors will make sure that the ghosts of Godhra and post-Godhra violence don't go away. Nor will questions about intrusive surveillance of a young woman architect by Gujarat's state agencies. Sooner rather than later, Modi's defiant insouciance in these matters could prove to be a handicap.

Challenges before Arvind Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi are less messy though no less formidable. The AAP leader has agreed to form a government with outside support from the very Congress he has been deriding as the fountainhead of corruption. However, there can be no stopping him if he makes good on the promises contained in the party's manifesto even to a limited extent. He will have proved to a nation that has grown cynical and even bitter about politicians that ethics-driven politics is not an oxymoron.

Out of the blue, Rahul Gandhi and the Manmohan Singh government have been demonstrating a new zest on a number of issues — withdrawal of the ordinance on tainted elected representatives, a firm stand against the Supreme Court's ruling on same-sex relations, a tough position on the Devyani Khobragade controversy and on Pakistan, with a sweeping agenda for economic growth. But this has raised eyebrows on two counts. The first is that the show of vigour has come a bit too late in the day with the result that its potential to fetch electoral gains in 2014 remains hugely problematic.

The second is that Rahul's endeavour to provide a robust anti-corruption framework hasn't prevented his party from trying to ally with Lalu Prasad, who is on bail after his conviction in the fodder scam, or to stop the Congress-NCP government in Maharashtra from jettisoning the Adarsh panel report. This report has come down heavily on senior politicians and bureaucrats for their role in the scandal.

So Rahul Gandhi, much like Arvind Kejriwal and Narendra Modi, will need uncommon political skills to reconcile their bewildering contradictions. That exercise would reveal who among them is the least polarising and most effective leader in resurgent India. The jury is still out on that issue.

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Devyani Khobragade: India’s diplomatic nightmare

Jai Anant Dehadrai
24 December 2013, 11:53 AM IST

 

Devyani Khobragade's arrest and the concomitant humiliation have put some uncomfortable realities about India into stark focus. The resultant diplomatic embarrassment that India has had to face, demands that we take a hard look at these developments.

As the Deputy Consul General of the Indian Diplomatic Mission in New York, we must remember that Devyani was not sent to the United States as an ordinary tourist or student, but as the official flag-bearer of the Union of India – the world's largest democracy and an aspiring super-power. Consequently, this would mean that any insult or mistreatment of Devyani may correctly be interpreted as a severe insult to India's reputation and pride among the comity of nations.  

The fact that the United States government chose to disregard her diplomatic status and instead subjected her to the brutal might of their criminal justice system like a commoner, says more about how India is now being perceived by the West than it does about the individual merits of Devyani's alleged crimes. 

For the purpose of this discussion, let us for a moment set aside our personal opinion of Devyani Khobragade and all that we have heard about her in news. This includes not only the criminal charges framed against her by the US Attorney Preet Bharara in the visa fraud case, but also reports of her being an illegal beneficiary in the Adarsh scam.

Bear with me for a moment.

In the eyes of international law, Devyani Khobragade is not an ordinary citizen of New York, as opposed to what Preet Bharara has been screaming to the press. On the contrary she is an island of Indian law unto herself, bound by the laws and dictates of the Indian Constitution – and certainly answerable for any misdemeanors, but only within the confines of India's jurisdiction. Her personal indiscretions are India's problem and our legal system is capable of dealing with those allegations. This 'protection' or 'diplomatic immunity' is a privilege granted to all signatories of the Vienna Convention. The relevant provision states in black and white that consular officers, such as Devyani, shall not be liable to arrest or detention pending trial, except in cases of grave crime and pursuant to a decision by the component legal authority. Devyani's only grave crime appears to be her Indian citizenship. The protections under law extend even further – "consular officers shall not be committed to prison, or be liable to any form of restriction on their personal freedom, save in execution of a judicial decision of final effect."

It does not take a legal scholar to understand the intent and effect of these provisions of law. What is bewildering, however, is why Preet Bharara chose to act like a vigilante cowboy instead of deferring to the better sense of his colleagues in the US State Department.

There are two possible answers to this question. Firstly, Devyani's horrible treatment has laid bare one of India's deepest and darkest fears; an uncomfortable truth that was until now only being spoken in whispers, in the corridors of South Block - India's Foreign Ministry. Western superpowers like the United States and Europe no longer take India as seriously as they did a decade ago. In fact, the perception of rampant lawlessness in India made it easier, and almost justifiable, for Bharara to act as brazenly as he did against Devyani. The sad truth is that India is now viewed abroad as a third-rate banana republic, with a hyper-corrupt and dysfunctional government. We received startling corroboration of this unfortunate fact when Indian cabinet ministers went ballistic in the news press; a lot of hot air was pumped out for public consumption to preemptively dispel any talk of India's weakened status abroad. Instead of speaking in one firm voice, the Indian government delivered a belated and confused response to the crisis. It was comical to hear one senior cabinet minister exhort to the press, "We are not a banana republic!" This was followed by the mindless act of removing security barricades outside the US embassy in New Delhi. Obviously the irony of his statement was lost on the minister. Therefore, it is evident that proportionality of response is clearly not this government's forte.

Secondly, and equally disturbing, is Preet Bharara's role in this entire episode. The legal circles in New York are abuzz with rumours of Bharara's unbridled political ambitions. Apparently, he seeks a larger leadership role for himself post his stint as US Attorney. Devyani Khobragade may well have been the ideal sacrificial lamb for him to assuage any doubts about his loyalty to the American flag. His hypocrisy in dealing with Devyani's case becomes evident when contrasted with the treatment meted out to middling Russian diplomats in New York, who were accused of defrauding the US federal government over medical bills. The New York Times went so far as to call this an "audacious swindle." Yet, the ever calculating Mr. Bharara chose not to handcuff and parade the Russians as prized offenders. Publicly arresting and humiliating a fellow desi brought with it immense and instant political gains. Only time will tell, if Bharara uses this incident for bolstering his claim for public office.

Devyani Khobragade's case should serve as a grim reminder to all patriotic Indians that India's domestic misdeeds have repercussions that extend far beyond its physical boundaries. The lesson to be learnt from this fiasco is that integrity must come from the top – not belatedly, and certainly not insincerely.

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